Valoración del cristianismo y de la moral kantiana

The reconstruction of linkages as well as nodes, resulting in apparent contradictions in a conventional family tree, has been necessary in order to account for patterns in the data. As alluded to above, when speaking of Nuclear Binandere it is necessary to distinguish between the Nuclear Binandere node and the Nuclear Binandere linkage, which differ slightly from one another in composition. A linkage (a term introduced by Ross 1988) is a collection of lects which may or may not have an exclusively shared ancestor and across which innovations appear to have diffused from lect to lect. The Nuclear Binandere linkage is depicted by a double line in the tree diagram spanning its member languages (see Fig. 2.1). It is characterised by the two sound changes set out below (note that d- is represented as rin some languages; see §3.3) which are not shared by the Baruga dialects Bareji and Mado; hence, the double line indicating the Nuclear Binandere linkage terminates at Tafota and Doghoro and does not extend to Bareji and Mado, which do belong under the node. (All four dialects coincide, however, in preserving */77&and *nd as prenasalised plosives word-internally.) The historical implication of the linkage is that most languages and dialects descended from the Nuclear Binandere node came to form or continued to form a dialect area across which innovations spread, but from which two Baruga dialects were isolated.

C21: *mb > b l #_ (Nuclear Binandere linkage)

82 pBin *mboke ‘cassow ary’ > Bin boke. D og boka, Kor boke 207 pNucBin *mburoro ‘fur’ > Bin buroro, Kor buroro

238 pBin *mbowu ‘heavy’ > Bin boufga], Hun bobu, Not. Ouk bouga, Kar bovu, TBa bouyu, Kor bouvu 291 pBin *mbo ‘loincloth’ > Aek, Sos, Hun. Not bo, Gae bofka], TBa, D og bo, Kor bo[ka]

499 pBin *mba ‘taro’ > Bin, Amb, Aek, Orokaiva, Hun, Not, Yeg ba, Kar, Kor ba[ka]

See also:

252 pBin *mbedi ‘hungry’ 503 pBin *mbotu ‘thicket’

312 pBin *mb/a ‘mother’ 505 pBin *mbaka ‘three’

433 pBin *mbi ‘sister-in-law o f woman' 523 pBin *mbe ‘true’

32 In Bukawa, an Austronesian language of coastal Huon Peninsula, nasal consonants have become prenasalised stops (Ross 2009:17), showing that m > nib and n > ndw t possible changes.

C22: *nd > d l #_ (Nuclear Binandere linkage)

360 pBin *ndibo ‘pigeon/parrot’ > Bin, Kor ribo, Sos, Hun dipo

426 pBin *ndu‘older sibling (opposite sex)’ > Bin, Amb, Not, Baruga ru, Aek, Orokaiva, Hun dulru, Gae, Kor ruka

127 pBin *nda‘dance’ > Sos dafvara], TBa da

200 pBin *ndonda‘food, things’ > Orokaiva, Hun donda See also:

35 pBin */7c/>' ‘bird’

197 pBin *ndibcra‘flying fox’ 427 pBin *ndo‘what?’

(In sound change C21, item 207 is reconstructed only to the level of Proto Nuclear Binandere, but evidence from Guhu-Samane as well as from variant forms in the Korafe of Rabade (possibly a borrowing of a Baruga dialect form not present in the data) suggests the presence of a form *mburoro in Proto Binandere.)

According to the data available, the word-initial prenasalised plosives mb- and nd-

present in Bareji and Mado are otherwise present only in Yekora. Since Yekora is at almost the northern extreme of Binanderean, and the Baruga-speaking area is at its southern extreme, the prenasalised plosives in Bareji and Mado can be attributed to retentions from Proto Nuclear Binandere. These reflexes contrast with reflexes of pBin

*b- and *d- in Yekora, Bareji, and Mado, which are invariably b- and d-. The following lexical items show that Yekora, Bareji, and Mado retain the word-initial prenasalised plosives intact in contrast to the languages of North Binandere and the Nuclear Binandere linkage:33

pBin Yek & BBa/MBa NBin NucBin linkage

*mbowu‘heavy’ (238) mbou mou bou, etc.

*mbo ‘loincloth’ (291) mbo mo bo

*mbaka‘three’ (505) dembaka, mbakode bakode

*mbe‘true’ (523) mbe me be

*ndi‘bird’ (35) ndi ni di

*nda‘dance’ (127) nda na da

Here it may be pointed out that the phonological description of (the Sose dialect of) Orokaiva states that the voiced plosives b, d, g can be pronounced as prenasalised plosives word-initially (Larsen 1992:3). This represents a neutralisation of contrast word- initially and does not affect the hypothesised loss of *mb and *nd word-initially in the

33 There are a handful more items, not listed here, with reflexes present in either Yekora or Bareji/Mado, but not in both.

languages of the Nuclear Binandere linkage.34 It suggests that the denasalisation of *mb

and *nd began as an optional innovation and was subsequently reinterpreted as an optional prenasalisation of *b and *d and extended to the reflexes of plain voiced plosives.

The Nuclear Binandere node, as discussed above, is not strictly defined by the word- initial denasalisation of *mb and *nd. The node may be defined on other grounds, namely, a substantial amount of uniquely shared lexicon and a small amount of distinctive morphology. A large number (around a fifth) of the cognate sets of this study are reconstmctable to Proto Nuclear Binandere only, with no cognates (at least according to the assembled corpus) in North Binandere or Yekora. Morphologically, there are certain distinctions between the Nuclear Binandere languages and the North Binandere ones, i.e. overt present tense marking, the manner of formation of the future tense, the form of the negative particle (see §4.4), and the type of switch-reference system (see §4.2.4).

Bareji and Mado share a substantial amount of lexicon exclusive (according to available data) to the Nuclear Binandere node. As for the two grammatical characteristics outlined in §4.4 and found to distinguish Nuclear Binandere languages from the northern languages, it cannot be said with certainty whether they are reflected in Bareji and Mado, as the grammar of Baruga describes the Tafota dialect (which does appear to display the two grammatical characteristics); but it is assumed that they resemble Tafota in these points.

The Nuclear Binandere linkage could in fact be dispensed with if we suppose that several parallel changes of * mb and *nd to b- and d- occurred in Proto Binandere- Ambasi, Proto Orokaiva, and the Coastal Binandere members excepting the Baruga dialects Bareji and Mado. Dispensing with the Nuclear Binandere node would imply an initial branching into four groups, namely, North Binandere, Yekora, Binandere-Ambasi, and South Binandere. The Nuclear Binandere node and the linkage of the same name are two independent entities, each founded on different grounds, and either could be disbanded with the other remaining.

An alternative hypothesis for the aberrant occurrence of prenasalised plosives mb and

nd word-initially in Bareji and Mado would be that these two Baruga dialects were part of Nuclear Binandere but underwent a reintroduction of initial voiced plosive prenasalisation after the break-up of Proto Baruga. Then, however, the appearance of these prenasalised

34 Voiced prenasalised plosives have also been reported as occurring in the Bapi dialect of Guhu-Samane as corresponding to simple voiced plosives in the central dialect Kipu. e.g. /bisi/ ‘jealousy’ having realisations [bisi] and [inbisi] (Richert and Richert 1972:50).

plosives word-initially in corresponding forms in the distant Yekora language (127, 238, 291, 505, 523) would require explanation.

A final observation perhaps worth making is the curious resemblance between Yekora and the Baruga dialects Bareji and Tafota in having aberrant word-initial yin their reflexes of pBin *dur- ‘fall’ (169), which is reflected regularly as d- elsewhere. This resemblance could be due to chance, but it may point to a variant form *jur- in pBin, implying that the y-initial forms are another retention from pNucBin (borrowed into Tafota from Bareji or

(unrepresented) Mado) which Yekora and Baruga have in common.