Incorporación de nuevas utilidades a la aplicación

As seen in the previous section it is arguable that religion limits the extent to which individualization occurs and in relation to this debate Smart and Shipman (2004) consider the individualization thesis and its implications for choice. They state that:

Choice, as a concept, can be problematic because it can be read to mean ‘free’

or ‘individual’ choice rather than, in more sociological terms, contextual choice amongst socially constructed options, or relational choice taken in the setting of attentiveness to others. (Smart and Shipman, 2004, p.493) Smart and Shipman (2004, p.495) through their research with transnational families set out to show that individualization is only part of the answer when looking at the lives of individuals and although their respondents held differing ‘degrees of

commitment to a religious faith’ it was this religious faith that influenced the ‘values held’ by those interviewed. Their study was based predominantly around marriage choices and kinship ties where Smart and Shipman (2004, p.495) found that although individuals were given ‘‘free choice’’ when it came to the choice of their marriage partners, some would ‘‘automatically’’ choose a partner of the same ‘nationality, ethnicity or religion’. Smart and Shipman (2004, p.496) found that there were other factors that influenced peoples’ marriage choices than just those put forward by Beck and Beck-Gernsheim and that although ‘some elements of the individualization thesis can be found’, this idea is not, according to their research what ‘defines contemporary relationships’.

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Particularly in relation to arranged marriages, Smart and Shipman (2004, p.498) explain that ‘the individualization thesis’ would see these as an ‘assault on individual identity and certainly on ‘free’ choice’ and yet Smart and Shipman (2004) found that this was not how it was seen by the individuals concerned. They explain that:

People weave different elements together and what is particularly interesting is that different elements may become more or less significant to younger

generations at different (historical) times or at different point in the life course.

(Smart and Shipman, 2004, p.501) An example that came out of their research were two Muslim sisters, one of whom

‘wore the veil and the other wore Western dress’ and from examples such as this Smart and Shipman (2004, p.501) came to the conclusion ‘… that ‘tradition’ itself is something under constant change and negotiation’. According to Smart and Shipman (2004, p.501) the assumption from the stance of individualization is that all women (and men) are ‘abandoning commitment to one’s kin, adopting serial monogamy, and embracing detraditionalization’ but Smart and Shipman (2004) found that this is not always the case and that their respondents were combining some of the ‘elements of individualization’ with aspects of their ‘traditional cultures’.

Smart and Shipman (2004, p.502) ‘… found young people who were fiercely traditional and older, first generation migrants who were relaxed about traditional expectations’. They explain how in their findings the younger generation add their own experiences to the ‘experiences and values of their parents’ to come up with their own set of ideals. Whereas in the individualization thesis, individuals are on their own, Smart and Shipman (2004, p.503) found that their respondents were much more committed to their families and tradition and at the same time their interviewees had

‘individuality and a strong sense of identity’. Smart and Shipman (2004, p.506) question that maybe the ‘Beck-Gernsheim’s thesis is simply too monochrome and too one-dimensional’. Smart and Shipman (2004, p.507) conclude that ‘even within one person, there are commitments to both traditions and change’.

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These ideas on the notion of choice will be re-visited later in the thesis and analysed alongside the findings of this research to see if any insights are provided as to why the interviewees were making their decisions to wear or not wear the hijab in Britain today. The theories will be examined to see how far they explain why the women are making the choices they do or if there is something else influencing these women and their choices.

3.10. Summary

Many theories as to why people make choices have been proposed. Rational choice theory assumes that everybody makes rational choices and basing this theory on an economic model it assumes that people look for rewards and benefits when they make their choices. Although some champion the economic approach, others believe that this theory would still have the same relevance even if the economic terminology were removed. Others claim that although rational choice theory would be useful for explaining some choices made by individuals it does not help to predict what choices individuals will make in the future. According to others, it is ‘individual preferences’

and ultimately ‘social influences’ that determine a person’s choice when it comes to religion. The religious teachings that are passed on to us from our parents become the pattern that individuals follow once they reach adulthood and these teachings can be embraced, denied or developed depending on the relationships between the parent and child.

Lifestyle choices showed that we all have to choose how we are going to live our lives and that we all decide on our own self-identity. Certain factors of modernity have influences on our lives and dress shows a great deal about a person and their

personality. The idea of habitus and behaving in an outward manner that reinforces an inward feeling has been explored. These women felt that once you became used to wearing the hijab, it becomes an important part of who you are and cannot just be removed.

‘A life of one’s own’ sums up the idea of individualization. Even though it is believed by Beck (2009) that this process began as far back as the Middle Ages, it is now that this theory is really apparent. Women are no longer just housewives, but are often

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well educated, employed and do not follow the traditional roles that their mothers and grandmothers followed. Smart and Shipman (2004) suggest that the individualization thesis may be a little ‘one-dimensional’ and although it is having an effect on

women’s lives, not all women have abandoned all kinship ties and tradition to become wholly modern.

95 Chapter Four: Methodology

4.1. Introduction

Prior to 2001, as can be seen from the literature review (chapter two), many of the books explaining the wearing of the hijab were written from a male perspective, explaining to the Muslim women what they should be wearing. A number of empirical studies had been carried out by men and looked at the way that Muslim women were treated in Britain, focusing on the negative aspects associated with being a Muslim. However, there were exceptions to this: Haw (1996, pp.319-330) was working with Muslim school girls to capture their views on their education in Britain, and Bullock (2003, p.36) bemoans the fact that ‘Muslim women’s voices are still not heard’ stating that the intention of her research is to allow the voices of some ‘Muslim Canadian women who cover’ to be heard. Bullock (2003, p.37) continues that it is disappointing that ‘there are few academic studies of Muslim women who cover and live in the West’.

There appeared to be a gap in the knowledge as the reasons why a Muslim woman living in Britain would want to cover herself from head to toe have been a mystery to many in the wider community. Stereotypes have been rife and many have claimed that women were forced to wear it by their fathers and husbands who did not want their women to be seen by others.

The opportunity for this research began with 9/11 and became an extension of the work that I carried out for the dissertation of my Masters Degree. In the dissertation I examined the wearing of Islamic dress and the conflicts surrounding it in a secular society, focusing on the experiences of women at a University in London. This was a small scale localised study, whereas 9/11 opened up the door to a wider investigation into the wearing of the hijab in Britain and a chance to see if 9/11 had affected the way that Muslim women dressed. The intention was to speak to a variety of Muslim women from differing backgrounds and in different geographical locations to see if any patterns emerged in the choices about dress that the women were making.

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Post 9/11, an approach was needed to investigate Muslim women’s attitudes to the hijab. Therefore, this investigation set out to interact with Muslim women who were living in Britain either on a temporary or a permanent basis to explore the reasons for the wearing of the hijab and the reasons why the hijab was not worn by many who classed themselves as Muslims. Through this contact the intention was to discern if there had been any changes in the dress of the women post 9/11.

The principal aim of the investigation into the wearing or not wearing of the hijab was to capture the views of the Muslim women and to give them the chance to talk via another woman about their experiences. Stacey’s (1988, p.21) discussion of why people choose to carry out their own piece of research resonates with my work; she believes that interests already held by the researcher ‘…meld, often mysteriously, with collective feminist concerns to determine a particular topic of research, which, in turn, appears to guide the research methods…’.