As we saw in §5.3.1, 1 ɲa⁴a² and 1 nu⁵a² have a spatial core. In pragmatically impov-erished conditions, they are always and only used to index referents that are located within or enclose the speaker's peripersonal space. In data from maximally informal conversation, how-ever, speakers occasionally use / 1 to index referents that are outside their peripersonal space. Exceptional uses of / 1 to index referents beyond peripersonal space almost al-ways involve the speaker calling the addressee's attention to a referent that the addressee has not attended to before -- that is, establishing new joint attention. They also almost always co-incide with large, multi-articulator deictic gestures. This pattern suggests that speakers may be using / 1 primarily to draw the addressee's attention to their deictic gestures, and only secondarily -- via the gesture -- to the demonstrative referent.
(66) and (67) present two examples where the same speaker uses / 1, in concert with a multi-articulator deictic gesture, to establish new joint attention on a referent located beyond her peripersonal space. These examples come from the same recording as (63), but appear respec-tively 29 seconds and 16 seconds before that example. Figures 5.9 and 5.10 show the participants in these examples. They are A, the woman in the white shirt seated at center with the baby; C, the man in the red shirt who we saw hanging the hammock in (63), and who is mostly o camera in these sequences; and two other o -camera adults, D and E. Participants A, C, and D are on a social visit to the house where E and her mother live.
Prior to the rst excerpt, (66), the participants have been listening to an o -camera participant telling a story. Then the young woman at the far le suggests they hang a hammock for the two infants. On the audio track, we hear C audibly walk up the ladder into the house with the hammock (and we brie y see him with it); he then stands next to the video camera, out of the frame. Then the excerpt in (66) begins.
In line 1 of (66), A points toward the opposite wall of the house and tells C to 'look.' She uses the presentative interjection dɨ¹ʔka⁴ (which I have glossed as 'hey') and the lexical verb dau² 'look, see,' but no other deictic words. She does, however, make a multi-articulator deictic gesture: she gazes, raises her chin, and points with her le hand toward the opposite wall of the house. In line 2, overlapping with A's turn in line 1, o -camera speaker D also tries to get C's attention; his turn consists only of the presentative interjection (again glossed as 'hey') and a temporal marker.
Next, in line 3, C issues a turn that is formatted as a content question (and can be seen as an other-initiation of repair on line 1). In line 4, E follows C's question with another turn that is formally a content question. E's question includes a candidate answer, and perhaps because of this, it never gets an answer from another participant.
C's question in line 3, on the other hand, is answered by A's turn in line 6. Over the four turns from line 1 to line 4, A has been continuously pointing toward the same target, and continuously gazing at C. But C, as his content question in line 3 indicates, has not taken up A's body movements as information about how the hammock should be tied. As a consequence, in line 6 A produces the sequence's rst verbal deictic reference to the locations where C should tie the hammock.
These referent locations are two points on the opposite wall of the house, speci cally on the lowest ra er of the roof.
As Figure 5.9 shows, the referent locations to which A directs C's attention are at least two meters away from where A is seated -- well beyond the space which A can reach from her seat on the oor. Nevertheless, in her turn in line 6, A indexes both of the referent locations with 1 nu⁵a².
Figure 5.9: Participants in (66) in line 6, at onset of second token of 1
(66) 20180628 16:26
1. A: dɨ¹ʔka⁴, nɨ³¹ʔ ̃³ [na¹dau² dɨ¹ʔka⁴ nɨ³¹
3 =ʔ ̃³
=
na¹=
. = dau² see( ) 'Hey look'
((A chin pointing, le hand pointing with American Sign Language (ASL) letter B handshape, and gazing at opposite wall of house))
2. (D:) [ma³rɨ³] ka⁴ ma³rɨ³ dɨ¹ʔka⁴ 'Hey already' ((D o camera))
((A turns head back toward direction of C)) 3. (C:) ɲu¹ʔgu² ta⁴a³rɨ¹ a⁴ ɲa⁴a²?
ɲu¹ʔgu² how?
ta⁴ =a³rɨ¹
=
a⁴ (IV)
ɲa⁴a² 1(IV)
'How should this be (i.e. how should it be tied up)?' ((C o camera))
4. (E:) ʎe¹ʔta² ta⁴a³rɨ¹ a¹tʃɨ̰¹ʔte²e²ʔ ̃⁴, i⁴ ɲa⁴a²? 'Where is he (A's baby) going to lie? In this (hammock)?'
((E o camera))
5. ((A still pointing with le hand in B handshape at opposite wall through lines b-d))
((A still gazing at C on onset, then turns head back toward opposite wall, extends elbow and makes B-hand point again))
((A's posture at onset of second token of 1 shown in Figure 5.9))
The sequential context of A's tokens of 1 in line 6 of (66) makes clear that these tokens act to establish new joint attention on the referents. Prior to line 6, A and other participants have been engaged in a sequence of three failed bids for C's attention. The rst is A's presentative and 'look' imperative in line 1; the second, D's overlapping presentative in line 2. The third, which begins in line 1 and continues through line 6, is A's deictic gesture toward the opposite wall of the house. All of these are attemps to direct C's attention to the opposite wall -- directly in the case of A's deictic gesture, indirectly (via drawing attention to A and her gesture) in the case of the presentative turns in lines 1 and 2.
But C either does not perceive the joint attention bids from A and D, or does not understand them. Rather than follow A and D's instructions (implicit in their speech and explicit in A's deictic gesture) to cross the room and tie the hammock on the other wall, he issues the content question in line 3. A then draws his attention to the points on the opposite wall again, but this time she uses explicit deictic content in her speech as well as her gesture. By this point, A's deictic words in line 6 are the fourth attempt in the sequence to direct C's attention to the opposite wall. Thus the use of 1 here is clearly one that calls joint attention to a new referent, rather than one that presupposes joint attention on a referent already known to the addressee.
However, even A's composite utterance in line 6 does not successfully direct C's attention to the opposite wall. Instead, C's uptake in the moments immediately following line 6 is to begin tying up one end of the hammock in the corner of the house located toward and to the le of the camera. It takes him 13 seconds to tie the hammock at that side. In this time, A and two o -camera speakers continue pointing to the opposite side of the house and telling him to tie the other end there. They refer to the relevant side of the house seven times as they try to draw C's attention to it. Each one of their references is with 1, even though the referent location is
not within peripersonal space for any of the speakers.
The eighth verbal deictic reference to the opposite side of the house with 1 (or, including the references in in 66, the tenth overall) occurs in line 1 of (67). In this turn, A appears to become frustrated with C. Still pointing at the opposite side of the house from where C is standing, she directs him to 'tie it up toward here ( 1).' C then issues line 3, which is only his second turn in the entire hammock-hanging sequence. In this turn -- again morphosyntactically a content question, and pragmatically an other-initiation of repair -- C asks A to clarify the location refer-ence which she produced in line 1. In line 4, A responds to the content question/repair initiation by turning her head from her pointing target to C, then producing the single word ɲa⁴a²=gu² ( 1= ) 'on this!.'
Figure 5.10: Participants in (67) at onset of line 4
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1. A: nu²ã⁴ma⁴ tʃi⁴ ku³na³ʎa¹, ɲu¹ʔã¹kɨ²ma³re³ nu²a²
1:
=ã⁴ma⁴
= ̃ ⁴ ⁴
tʃi⁴ ku³=
2 . = na³=
3 . = ʎa¹
tie( )ɲu¹ʔã¹kɨ² how?
=ma³re³
=just
'You should try and tie it up this way ( 1) (lit. toward here), however you can.'
((A gazing up toward C and index nger pointing with right hand behind her, toward opposite wall of house))
2. ((A turns head toward opposite wall of house and makes continuous index nger point with right hand at it for 2s))
3. (C:) ʎe¹ʔ ̃⁴wa⁵ã⁴ma⁴?
ʎe¹ʔ ̃⁴ where?(IV)
=wa⁵
= =ã⁴ma⁴
= ̃ ⁴ ⁴ 'Which way?'
4. A: ɲa⁴a² gu²↘
ɲa⁴a² 1(IV)
=gu²
= 'On this ( 1) !'
((A turns head to gaze at C again, then back toward pointing target of right hand))
((A's posture at onset of line shown in Figure 5.10))
A's token of 1 in line 4 of (67) is, just like her tokens of 1 in line 6 of (66), embedded in a sequence of failed bids to direct C's attention to the opposite wall of the house. Given C's content question in the immediately preceding line -- an obvious index that the previous bids for his attention have failed -- the token of 1 in line 4, like the tokens of 1 in the preceding example, can only be read as an attempt to establish joint attention on a new referent. It cannot presuppose joint attention with the addressee, who has failed to start attending to the referent despite 10 preceding linguistic references to it (and over 20 seconds of continuous pointing at the referent by A). The only di erence between the 1 token here and the 1 tokens preceding it in (66) and between the two excerpts is syntactic category. The failed bids for C's attention before (67) use s, and the one in this line uses a .
Despite the need for two repair sequences, A and the others ultimately do succeed in directing C's attention to the demonstrative referent. Nine seconds a er the end of A's turn in line 6 of (67), C begins crossing the room to tie the other end of the hammock at the referent location. A er he crosses the room and begins tying the hammock at the locations that A and others have been calling his attention to, they cease to index those locations with 1. Instead, on the single occasion that A refers to the location a er this, she uses 5 (in line 1 of 63), picking up on the location of the referent (once C has crossed the room) within C's peripersonal space.
Use of a proximal demonstrative to call new joint attention to a referent that is not within the origo's peripersonal space, as in (66) and (67), appears to be speci c to the speaker-proximal, / 1. It is not general to both of the proximal demonstrative series. To be sure, the conversational corpus does contain examples where / 5 is used to draw an addressee's attention to a referent that is outside of their peripersonal space. However, such spatially ex-ceptional uses of / 5 are much less straightforwardly about establishing joint attention than the equivalent exceptional uses of / 1. As well as calling new joint attention to the referent, the spatially exceptional uses of / 5 all involve referents that belong to the
addressee, or that the speaker is transferring to the addressee at the moment of speech. There-fore, I consider them motivated by the addressee's ownership of the referent, and discuss them separately in §5.4.3.