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INSTRUCCIONES PARA EL INGRESO DE INFORMACIÓN EN LOS CAPÍTULOS DEL CUESTIONARIO WEB

(49) Demonstrative uestionnaire Scene 8

6. The referent is just beside Spkr (within easy

reach), on side away from addressee. The object is difficult, if not impossible for Addr to see.

“I’ve just finished reading_____book.”

“Do you want to borrow _____book?”

• Does it make a difference if Addr knows the object is there versus doesn’t know?

• Does it make a difference if object has been mentioned before? Must Spkr point?

• What if object was more visible?

A S

7. The referent is just in front of Spkr, and visible to Addr (but not within Addr’s reach).

“I’ve just finished reading _____book.”

“Do you want to borrow _____book?”

“Have you read _____book?”

• Does it make a difference if Addr already has attention on object versus attention being drawn?

• Must Spkr point?

A S

8. The referent is in between Spkr and Addr and equidistant from both (and within arm’s reach of both).

“Is _____your book/radio?”

“I like _____book/radio.”

“Do you want to borrow _____book?”

• Does it make a difference if Addr already has attention on object versus attention being drawn?

• Must Spkr point?

• Does ownership of object make a difference?

A S

9. The referent is just in front of Addr, and visible to Spkr (but not within Spkr’s reach).

“Is _____your book/radio?”

“I like _____ book/radio.”

“Do you want to borrow _____book?”

• Does it make a difference if Addr already has attention on object versus attention being drawn?

In addition to the three unanimous scenes, there were seven additional scenes where partici-pants displayed high or moderate agreement on 1 in volunteered data. These seven scenes can be divided into ve where speakers showed high agreement on 1 -- de ned, per §2.1.2, as at least eight of 10 participants volunteering the item -- and two where they showed a moderate level of agreement.

The scenes with high agreement on 1 were 3, 6, 11, 19, and 22. In all of these scenes, as in the unanimous scenes, the referent is either in contact with the speaker's body (scene 3) or is within reach for the speaker (scenes 6, 11, 19, and 22). Nine of ten participants volunteered 1 in each of these ve scenes. The scenes with moderate agreement on 1 were scenes 2 and 20. These are scenes where the referent is objectively within reach for the speaker, but is also within reach for the addressee (e.g. in scene 2, the referent is a body part of the addressee).

Six of 10 participants volunteered 1 in each of them.

Besides the scenes listed above, there are no other scenes of the Demonstrative uestionnaire where the referent is a body part of the speaker, in contact with the speaker's body, or in reach for the speaker. That is, participants always display at least moderate agreement (as de ned in

§2.1.2) on 1 in every one of the 10 scenes of the questionnaire where the referent is within the speaker's peripersonal space. And conversely, participants never display moderate or high agreement on 1 when the referent is not within the speaker's peripersonal space.

Conforming to this generalization, in the conversational corpus there is a very strong asso-ciation between use of 1 and reference to entities within the speaker's peripersonal space.

Uses of 1 to index referents objectively beyond peripersonal space do exist (§5.4), but they are much less common than uses of the item to index referents inside the speaker's peripersonal

space. Rather, the routine use of 1 in the corpus is to index a referent that is on the speaker's body, that the speaker is handling, or that is located at least partially within the speaker's reach.

(50) provides an example of the use of 1 in the conversational corpus to index a referent that the speaker is handling. Figure 5.1 shows the participants in this example. They are UGW, the woman at right in the pink t-shirt; MGW, the woman at center in the black t-shirt; KGW, the woman at le in the white shorts; and JLU, the man who is standing just o -camera at the le side of the frame. UGW, MGW, and KGW are sisters; KGW is married to JLU. They are outside JLU and KGW's house.

At the opening of the excerpt in (50), the participants have just nished loading some cargo in the vehicle at the center of the frame, and are preparing to drive o . As KGW walks inside the house to pick up a nal item, UGW reaches toward the cargo bed of the vehicle with her le hand and idly spins the wheel of the bicycle lying on the bed. As she does this, she produces line 1 of (50). The referent of her token of 1, the rst word in the turn in line 1, is the bicycle. She is handling the bicycle's wheel, as shown in the gure, at the moment that she begins to produce the demonstrative.

Figure 5.1: Participants in (50) at onset of line 1

(50) 20170630b 0:16

1. UGW: da³¹a² , a³¹, ku³¹rɨ³ a⁴kɨ⁵ʔ ̃⁴, reparacion=wa⁵ [ku³na³ʎe⁴³]?

da³¹a¹ 1(III)

a³¹ :

ku³¹rɨ³

2 . . a⁴kɨ⁵ʔ ̃⁴ (IV)

reparacion Sp:repair

=wa⁵

=

ku³=

2 . = na³=

3 . = ʎe⁴³

transport:InamSgO( )

' This ( 1) , um, your whatsitcalled, are you taking it to the repair (shop)?'

((UGW, on da³¹a², grips front wheel between thumb and index nger of le hand, repeatedly spins wheel))

((UGW gazes at bicycle, then on syllable wa⁵ shi s gaze to JLU)) ((JLU o camera))

2. (JLU:) [ŋ ̃³¹]

ŋ ̃³¹ logical.yes 'Yeah'

In (50) the referent of 1 is the bicycle. It is not located entirely within UGW's periper-sonal space, but enough of it is that she can handle it. Throughout the conversational corpus, 1 is routinely used in situations like this one -- where, though the referent is too large or too far to be entirely within the speaker's peripersonal space, they are still able to reach and touch some part of it. It is also routinely used in contexts where the referent is entirely within peripersonal space, for example, where the referent is completely contained in the speaker's hand.

5.3.1.2 1 indexes points on the speaker's body or within their peripersonal space Parallel to 1, one of the core uses of 1 is to index places on the speaker's body or within the speaker's peripersonal space. Results for 1 in the version of the Demonstrative uestionnaire were extremely similar to results for 1 in the version, with 1 appearing as the strongly preferred demonstrative in all references to places on the speaker's body or within her peripersonal space.

There were three scenes in the version of the Demonstrative uestionnaire where all ve participants volunteered 1. These were scenes 1 (also a unanimous 1 scene; 47), 8 (again, a unanimous 1 scene; 65), and scene 19 (a high agreement 1 scene). In scene 1, also shown above, the speaker points at a part of their own body. In scenes 8 and 19, the speaker indexes a location within their reach. Beyond the three unanimous scenes, there were seven additional scenes where participants displayed at least moderate agreement on 1 in volunteered data. These were scenes 3, 6, 7, 11, 17, 20, and 23. In all of scenes 3, 6, 7, 11, and 20, the referent location is on the speaker's body (scene 3) or within the speaker's peripersonal

space (scenes 6, 7, 11, and 20). In scenes 17 and 23, however, the referent location is not on the speaker's body or within their peripersonal space.

In sum, as with 1, participants displayed at least moderate agreement on 1 in every scene of the Demonstrative uestionnaire where the referent was within the speaker's periper-sonal space. However, unlike with 1, there was not a clearly biunique relationship between use of 1 and location of the referent within the speaker's peripersonal space. This is because 1 was also volunteered in two scenes, 17 and 23, where the referent location was not within peripersonal space.

Examining scenes 17 and 23 more closely, however, shows that they are not counterexamples to the generalization that 1 was used only for locations within peripersonal space. In both of these scenes, more than half of the speakers who volunteered 1 -- three of four in scene 17, two of three in scene 23 -- volunteered it with the clitic =ã⁴ma⁴. On spatial adjuncts, including locative demonstratives, =ã⁴ma⁴ takes a telic goal or location description (e.g. 'walk to town,' 'lie at the port') and derives an atelic direction or bearing description (e.g. 'walk toward town,' 'lie toward the port'). Thus, in both of these scenes, the participants who volunteered 1 were using it to index not the referent location targeted by the questionnaire, but rather the direction of that location relative to the addressee's current location.

That scenes 17 and 23 are not counterexamples can be seen clearly from an example of how 1 was actually used in these scenes. In scene 17 (51), the speaker and addressee are standing at opposite ends of a large cleared space. The speaker refers to a location at the middle of the space, equidistant between speaker and addressee. In my implementation of the version of the questionnaire, the speaker made this reference by directing the addressee to stand at the referent location. Three out of the ve participants produced 1 with =ã⁴ma⁴ in this context, as shown in (51).

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