La estructura del texto: un viaje fílmico

The data in (6) display alternations between [l] and the high front glide [ɪ̯ ]. The first word in each alternating pair of (6a) is a verb in which /l/ surfaces in the coda as [ɪ̯ ], whereas the second word in each pair is a de-verbal noun, where /l/ is in a syllable onset, and thus surfaces as [l]. For example, in the pair malen ~ Maler in (6a), the /l/ surfaces in the coda as [ɪ̯ ] in the verb and as [l] in the onset of the second syllable in the noun. The infinitive marker in RG is pronounced as [n], and not [ən] (or [n̩ ]), as in SG. This being the case, the stem-final /l/ in each verb is in the coda. In (6b), alternations in adjectives are presented.

The first word of each pair ends in /l/, which is vocalized to [ɪ̯ ], and the second word in each pair shows an alternating form with a syllable-initial [l]. For example, in the pair voll

~ voller, voll has [ɪ̯ ] in the coda, while the second syllable of voller has [l] in the onset.

Finally, (6c) illustrates a noun where [l] and [ɪ̯ ] alternate in singular and plural forms. All of the data in (6) contain an underlying back stem vowel; if a front vowel precedes, then there is an added complication which I discuss below.

(6) [l] ~ [ɪ̯ ] after an underlying back vowel

The output of Liquid Vocalization of /l/ ([ɪ̯ ]) is a non-syllabic element; it is the second part of a diphthong, which I define as a syllabic vowel plus a non-syllabic vowel (glide), which are tautosyllabic. The glide of a diphthong may thus be in the nucleus (as the diphthongs discussed in chapter 3) or in the coda (such as those in (6)).⁵⁸

The data in (7) likewise show alternations between consonantal [ʀ] and vocalic [ɐ̯ ], where coda /ʀ/ is realized as [ɐ̯ ] in noun forms in (7a), verbs in (7b), and adjectives in (7c).

In the alternations in (6-7), /l/ and /ʀ/ are the underlying sounds which become [ɪ̯ ] and [ɐ̯]

in coda position. I refer to this process below as Liquid Vocalization. For now, I adopt the linear rule of Liquid Vocalization for /ʀ/ and /l/ in (2), which I restate in (8). (8a,b) are reformulated as a single process in terms of features in section 5.3.

58 See section 5.3.1 for more discussion of the structure of RG diphthongs.

(8) Liquid Vocalization (repeated from 2a,b):

a. /ʀ/  [ɐ̯ ] / V ___ (C) ] σ

b. /l/  [ɪ̯ ] / V ___ (C) ]σ

The optional consonant (C) means that liquids vocalize in absolute final position, as in examples like voll [fɔɪ̯ ] in (6b) or before a coda consonant, such as spulen [ʃpuɪ̯n] in (6a).

The data in (9) illustrate alternations between [l] and [ɪ̯ ], but the vocalic contexts (that is, the vowel which precedes vocalized /l/) in these data are less straightforward than in the examples above. While the data in (6) all have underlying back vowels preceding an /l/ which vocalizes, the data in (9) have underlying front vowels which surface as either front or back vowels. In data set (9), it can be observed that the front vowel surfaces before [l] and the back vowel before the vocalized allophone of /l/. I argue below that the front vowel is underlying and that the change to a back vowel is accomplished by the rule referred to earlier as Vowel Dissimilation. For example, in the word Spieler in (9a), the underlying high front stem vowel /i/ surfaces as [i], but that same vowel surfaces as [u]

before the vocalized /l/ in spielen. This front ~ back vowel alternation can also be seen in the mid vowels. For example, in the pair erzählen ~ Erzähler in (9a), the underlying front mid vowel /e/, which appears as [e] in Erzähler, alternates with the back mid vowel [o]

after the vocalized /l/ in erzählen. The stem vowels in (9) are underlyingly front vowels which surface as back vowels (i.e. a vowel like /i/ surfaces as [u]), and not the other way around; if back vowels were underlying, the [u] in the third example in (6a), Spuler, would be expected to surface as [i], i.e. *[ʃpi.lɐ].

(9) [l] ~ [ɪ̯ ] after an underlying front vowel

In the data in (9), the underlying front stem vowel becomes back (i.e. /i/ is realized as [u], /ɪ/ as [ʊ], /e/ as [o], and /ɛ/ as [ɔ]) before an /l/ that has been vocalized in the coda. I see the vocalic change from front to back as a dissimilation because the vocalized /l/ is a front vowel.

In the data in (10-13), coda [ɪ̯ ] and [ɐ̯] which are derived from /l/ and /ʀ/ occur in post-vocalic consonant clusters, both word-finally and word-internally; these data are nouns, but the generalization holds for the language as a whole. In contrast to the examples in (6, 7, 9), there are no alternations between [ɪ̯ ] ~ [l] or [ɐ̯] ~ [ʀ] in the words in (10-13); I argue below that the coda [ɪ̯ ] in (10, 12) and coda [ɐ̯] in (11, 13) are derived synchronically from /l/ and /ʀ/. The consonant which follows the vocalized liquid can be a nasal, as in (10a) and (11a), or an obstruent, as in (10b) and (11b).

b. Before Obstruents coda of the first morpheme of compound words. In each of these examples, the underlying /l/ or /ʀ/ of the consonant cluster is realized as [ɪ̯ ] or [ɐ̯].

(13) Word-Internal Consonant Cluster /ʀ/

Another example of /l/ which never surfaces as [l] is in conjugated forms of verbs, as in (14). Here, the stem ends in /l/, which always surfaces as the vocalized form in the singular and plural present tense forms of the verb wollen. The underlying form for the singular stem is /vɪl/,⁵⁹ and the plural form is /vɔl/.

(14) Liquid Vocalization in wollen ‘to want’

Ramsau German Standard German

Compare these data to the alternating examples in (6-7), where there is no liquid alternant in verbal infinitives. There are no vowel-initial suffixes which could potentially attach to a verb stem ending in a liquid; thus, these verbal forms all surface with a vocalized liquid.⁶⁰

59 These forms also undergo Vowel Dissimilation.

60 One might posit that Liquid Vocalization is orthographically driven. However, I consider these data to be representative of a phonological process, as children who are too young to read also vocalize liquids in the coda, as discussed above.

Because the data in (10-14) do not have an [l] or [ʀ] alternate, it could be argued that they are not true examples of vocalizations. That is, one could argue that the [ɪ̯ ] or [ɐ̯]

in these examples does not derive from /l/ or /ʀ/, but that it is instead the second part of an underlyingly diphthong. For example, a word such as Film in (10a) might be represented underlyingly as /fʊɪm/ rather than /fɪlm/ (the latter is the same as SG). Evidence for an underlying /l/ in these data is that speakers often produce coda [l] in hypercorrect speech.

Such hypercorrect speech occurs most often when they are clarifying something to a child or a non-native speaker, or when attempting to be extra clear in conversation with another dialect speaker. This is not simply a reflection of orthography, but rather an attempt to state something as clearly as possible.

The surface diphthongs in (10, 12, 14) can be compared to the surface diphthongs in (15), both of which have [ɪ̯ ] as the glide. In the latter examples, the diphthongs are underlying diphthongs. In contrast to the examples in (10, 12, 14), a speaker would never produce [l] for the second element of a diphthong in (15), even in hypercorrect speech.

Words with underlying diphthongs (which are not derived from underlying /l/) are evidence against the argument that a word like Film in (10, 12, 14) has a diphthong underlyingly.

(15) RG Diphthongs

Ramsau German Standard German English

[e.fɔɪ̯ ] Efoi ‘ivy’

[laɪ̯ t] Leute ‘people’

An additional argument for an underlying liquid in (10-14) comes from comparison with SG: Certain diphthongs only surface when there is a sequence of vowel and liquid in SG.

For example, the diphthong [uɪ̯ ], as in the word Hilfe [huɪ̯f] from (10b), and in the

alternating pair spielen ~ Spieler [ʃpuɪ̯ n ~ ʃpi.lɐ], is never produced in morphemes which do not contain /l/ in SG. Similarly, there are no RG phonemic diphthongs which end in vocalized /ʀ/; every instance of [ɐ̯ ] in RG contains /ʀ/ in SG.