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In contrast to certain processes discussed in chapter 4 involving nasals, Liquid Vocalization produces a transparent output when it interacts with other rules. Consider first the potential interaction between Liquid Vocalization and DFA. Data showing sequences of underlying liquids followed by the dorsal fricative /x/ are given in (40-41). In (40), the underlying sequence of /lx/ surfaces as [ɪ̯ ҫ], where /l/ vocalizes in the coda, as discussed above.

(40) Sequence of /lx/

Ramsau German Standard German English

[mʊɪ̯ ҫ] Milch ‘milk’

[ɛɪ̯ ҫ] Elch ‘elk’

[vɔɪ̯ ҫ] Walch ‘goatgrass’

[mɔɪ̯ ҫ] Molch ‘salamander’

The data in (41) show that the underlying sequence /ʀx/ is realized with a vocalized /ʀ/ as [ɐ̯ x]. Note that this is not what one would find in SG, where the /x/ following /ʀ/ undergoes DFA. Thus, a word such as Storch from (41) is produced as [ʃtɔɐ̯ ç] in SG.

(41) Sequence of /ʀx/

Ramsau German Standard German English

[ʃtɔɐ̯ x] Storch ‘stork’

[lʊɐ̯ x] Lurch ‘amphibian’

[mo.naɐ̯ x] Monarch ‘monarch’

[kiɐ̯ .xŋ̩] Kirche ‘church’

[lɛɐ̯ .xŋ̩] Lerche ‘lark’

As was discussed in chapter 3, RG [x] and [ç] are in complementary distribution: [x] occurs after back vowels, and [ç] occurs after front vowels. The data above with vocalized liquids are therefore not surprising; on the surface, [x] occurs after the back glide [ɐ̯ ] derived from /ʀ/, while [ç] occurs after coronal [ɪ̯ ] derived from /l/. Features for /x/ and [ç], as well as [ɐ̯]

(from /ʀ/) and [ɪ̯ ] (from /l/) are given in (42).

(42) Features of Dorsal Fricatives, [ɐ̯ ], and [ɪ̯]

/x/ [ç] [ɐ̯ ] [ɪ̯ ]

[sonorant] ‒ ‒ + +

[consonantal] + + ‒ ‒

[continuant] + +

[nasal] ‒ ‒

PLACE    

CORONAL  

DORSAL   

It can be observed in (42) that both /x/ and [ɐ̯ ] are marked for the place feature DORSAL, while [ç] and [ɪ̯ ] share the place feature CORONAL. As discussed in chapter 3, [ç] also has a DORSAL node under PLACE, creating a complex structure. Feature representations for [x]

and [ç] are repeated (43).

(43) Feature Representations of [x] and [ç]

a. [x] b. [ç]

-son -son

+cons +cons

PLACE [+cont] PLACE [+cont]

DORSAL CORONAL DORSAL

The rule of DFA in (44) states that an underlying DORSAL fricative /x/ is realized as corono-dorsal (i.e. palatal) when it follows a CORONAL sonorant.

(44) Dorsal Fricative Assimilation

Data such as [kiɐ̯ .xŋ̩] Kirche from (41), where /x/ surfaces as [x] after a vocalized /ʀ/, provide an argument for /ʀ/ being specified for DORSAL: /x/ does not assimilate place and become [ç] because neither /ʀ/ nor its vocalized counterpart [ɐ̯ ] is CORONAL, and thus it does not meet the structural description of the rule in (44b).

I do not specify whether the target of DFA is a consonant ([+consonantal]) or vowel ([-consonantal]). Even though an /l/ preceding /x/ is almost always vocalized to [ɪ̯ ], there is one token where a speaker produces Walch as [valç] without vocalized /l/. In this rare instance when the speaker does not vocalize /l/, DFA applies, even though the segment preceding dorsal /x/ is a consonant.⁶⁸ Because I do not specify in (44b) that the target of DFA has to be [-cons], the trigger can either be a CORONAL vowel or a CORONAL sonorant consonant.

My analysis of DFA differs from the one proposed by Robinson (2001), which predicts that there should be a palatal after front vowels and /n l ʀ/. Robinson (2001:84-85) argues that on phonetic grounds, /n l ʀ/ pattern similarly in the context of before [ç];

68 Impressionistically I believe that /x/ would become [ç] when the CORONAL consonant /n/ precedes, but I do not have data supporting this. That is, I hypothesize that RG speakers would produce a word like Mönch

‘monk’ as [mɛnç], where velar /x/ assimilates place of the preceding CORONAL /n/ and surfaces as [ç].

specifically, the palatal fricative has a similar spectral energy-concentration for fricatives when it follows /n l ʀ/. Glover’s (2014) analysis makes the same prediction for SG: under his analysis, /ʀ/ is treated phonologically as a complex corono-dorsal sound which receives both [CORONAL] and [DORSAL] by default rules. Thus, he captures the natural class of triggers of DFA as [+sonorant, CORONAL]. In RG, however, /ʀ/ does not trigger DFA. My analysis, where /ʀ/ and its vocalized counterpart [ɐ̯ ] are both DORSAL,thus predicts that the sequence of /ʀx/ should surface as [ɐx], which is exactly what the phonetic data show.

In (45), I show that DFA and Liquid Vocalization do not interact. Similar to Glover’s (2014:76) analysis, the ordering of DFA and Vocalization in RG does not matter because the feature which changes in a vocalization is [consonantal], not PLACE. Thus, either the rule ordering in (45a) or (45b) will produce the correct output.

(45) Derivation of DFA and Liquid Vocalization with Molch and Kirche⁶⁹

a. No Rule Interaction b. No Rule Interaction

UR /mɔlx/ /kiʀxn/ UR /mɔlx/ /kiʀxn/

DFA mɔlҫ --- LV mɔɪ̯ x kiɐ̯ xn LV mɔɪ̯ ҫ kiɐ̯ xn DFA mɔɪ̯ ҫ --- PR [mɔɪ̯ ҫ] [kiɐ̯ xŋ̩] PR [mɔɪ̯ ҫ] [kiɐ̯ .xŋ̩]

While Liquid Vocalization does not interact with DFA, it does interact with Progressive Nasal Place Assimilation (PNPA). Data for this can be seen in (46).

69 Data for Kirche also show Progressive Nasal Place Assimilation, which was discussed in chapter 4. For the sake of simplicity, I have not included this rule in the derivation, and its effects are only seen in the phonetic representation.

(46) Verbal Infinitives: Stem-final Liquid

Ramsau German Standard German English a. Underlying /ʀ/

[fə.liɐ̯ n] verlieren (INF.) ‘to lose’

[leɐ̯ n] lehren (INF.) ‘to teach’

[tuɐ̯ n] touren (INF.) ‘to tour’

[boɐ̯ n] bohren (INF.) ‘to drill’

[ʃpɔɐ̯ n] sparen (INF.) ‘to save’

[ʀuʊ̯ .dɐn] rudern (INF.) ‘to row’

b. Underlying /l/

[ʃpuɪ̯ n] spielen (INF.) ‘to play’

[ɛɐ̯ .tsoɪ̯n] erzählen (INF.) ‘to narrate’

The data in (46) show vocalized /ʀ/ and /l/ surfacing before the infinitive marker [-n], which is representative of any coronal nasal. Recall the rule of Progressive Nasal Place Assimilation (PNPA) from chapter 4, repeated in (47).

(47) Progressive Nasal Place Assimilation (PNPA) +son

[+cons] +cons

[-nas] PLACE PLACE [+nas]

β CORONAL

PNPA shows that the coronal nasal /n/ receives place specification from a preceding consonant, and the CORONAL node under PLACE deletes. A derivation showing that Liquid Vocalization applies first and bleeds PNPA is given in (48a); this is a transparent interaction.

(48) Derivation for Liquid Vocalization and PNPA with lehren and spielen

a. Bleeding b. Counterbleeding (Overapplication)

UR /leʀ-n/ /ʃpil-n/ UR /leʀ-n/ /ʃpil-n/

LV⁷⁰ leɐ̯ n ʃpuɪ̯ n PNPA leʀŋ ʃpiln PNPA --- --- LV leɐ̯ ŋ ʃpuɪ̯ n PR [leɐ̯ n] [ʃpuɪ̯ n] PR *[leɐ̯ ŋ] [ʃpuɪ̯ n]

The incorrect rule ordering in (48b) displays a counterbleeding order with overapplication in lehren. If (48b) were correct, we would expect to see dorsal [ŋ] following a vocalized /ʀ/.

70 For the sake of simplicity, I give the output of Liquid Vocalization along with Vowel Dissimilation here.

As discussed above, these are two separate rules, which are in a feeding relationship.

71 While I do not give an entire list of all possible combinations of coda clusters, a word such as (49c), for example, is representative of the combination of nasal plus obstruent. There is no implication that every obstruent can occur after every nasal.