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This section gives the locative demonstrative inventory and previews the meaning analysis of locative demonstratives presented in Chapters 4 through 6.

1.3.2.1 Locative demonstrative forms

There are six locative demonstratives ( s), shown in Table 1.3. s are the words syntacti-cally equivalent to English here and there. They can be used as adjuncts, as the complements of certain enclitics, and as predicates expressing static location. They cannot be used as arguments.

s do not display noun class agreement, but they do display other morphological alterna-tions, as shown in Table 1.3. Each has three forms: the locative form, the allative form, and the predicate form. I now brie y explain the distribution of the three forms.

The locative¹ form of s acts only as an adjunct. It appears in syntactic contexts where a noun phrase would have the locative case marker =gu². The allative form of s acts as an

1Very broadly, locative noun phrases and the locative form of s express the ground of motion, and allative noun phrases and s express the goal of motion. However, the alternation between the locative and allative is also in uenced by many factors other than the semantic role of the adjunct, such as the transitivity of the verb heading the clause, whether the verb is a verb of motion, and morphological and lexical aspect properties of the verb.

A full discussion of the locative/allative alternation would require its own chapter and is beyond the scope of this study.

Table 1.3: Locative demonstratives: inventory Lexical Item Predicate Locative Adjunct Allative Adjunct /

Enclitic Complement

1 nu²ʔũ⁴ nu²ʔa² nu⁵a²

2 ŋe²ʔa⁴ ŋe²ʔa⁴ ŋe⁵a²

3 ɟe²ʔe⁴ ɟe²ʔa⁴ ɟe⁵a²

4 nu²ʔma⁴ nu²ʔma⁴ nu⁵ma²

5 ŋe²ʔma⁴ ŋe²ʔma⁴ ŋe⁵ma²

6 ɟe²ʔma⁴ ɟe²ʔma⁴ ɟe⁵ma²

adjunct, but can also act as the complement of certain enclitics, such as =kɨ̰¹ã̰¹ 'originating from (place).' As an adjunct, the allative form appears in syntactic contexts where a noun phrase would have the allative case marker =wa⁵. As a complement of enclitics, the allative form appears in contexts where a noun phrase could not have any case marking, since the relevant enclitics are mutually exclusive with case. The predicate form of s acts as a stative predicate (meaning 'be here,' 'be there'). In most of the paradigm, it is identical to the locative case form.

The locative and allative forms of s are always a minimal laryngeal pair. The allative form always has the tone melody 5.2 and does not have a medial glottal stop. Allative s are the only disyllabic 5.2 words in the language. The locative form has the tone melody 2.4 (except for 1) and always has a medial glottal stop. This is part of a more general grammatical tone phenomenon where the locative and allative case forms of certain spatial words (for example, the words translating 'upriver,' 'downriver,' and 'nearby') contrast in laryngeal features rather than bearing segmentable case enclitics. Additionally, s 2, 3, 5, and 6 are in minimal laryngeal pairs with the Class IV and Class V forms of s 2, 3, 5, and 6. This can be seen by comparing Table 1.3 with the Class IV and Class V columns of Table 1.1. The minimal tone pair relationship between these paradigms is exclusive to s and s. It is not part of a broader grammatical tone phenomenon.

Finally, the paradigm displays the same kind of morphological regularities as we ob-served in the paradigm. Across all of the forms, 1 shares the same rst syllable with 4, 2 with 5, and 3 with 6, just as in the nominal paradigm. Likewise, s 1, 2, and 3 share the same last syllable, while s 4, 5, and 6 share a di erent last sylla-ble, again identical to the pattern in the nominal paradigm. Despite these similarities, the same arguments against morphological complexity apply for s as for s. Nothing ever inter-venes between the rst and second syllable of a ; it is possible to delete the second syllable of s without meaning change; and the forms that share syllables do not have a clear semantic relationship. For all of these reasons, I do not analyze the s as morphologically complex.

1.3.2.2 Locative demonstrative meanings

s display exactly the same division of exophoric vs. endophoric and recognitional labor as s. s 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 have exophoric uses (like s 1, 2, 3, and 4), and s 5 and

6 have endophoric and recognitional uses (like s 5 and 6). s are not used in discourse deixis.

Among the exophoric terms, 1 nu⁵a² typically indexes a point or region on the speaker's body or a region that encloses the speaker (e.g. the boundaries of a piece of land). 2 ŋe⁵a² and 3 ɟe⁵a² index points and regions that are not on the speaker's body and do not enclose the speaker. As in the nominal paradigm, the referent of 2 ŋe⁵a² is normally a place located between the speaker and addressee, while the referent of 3 ɟe⁵a² can be anywhere outside the speaker's reaching space. 5 ŋe⁵ma² indexes the addressee's reaching space as a region, and points within it. 1 nu⁵a² also has an extended use, analogous to the joint attention-associated extended use of 1 ɲa⁴a². Speakers can use 1 nu⁵a² to call new joint attention to a place located anywhere in space -- even if it is beyond their own reaching space. No other has any extended or otherwise spatially exceptional uses.

Among the endophoric and recognitional terms, 5 ŋe⁵ma² is used for anaphoric and recognitional place reference in clauses with any temporal reference. As in the nominal demon-strative paradigm, I treat this non-exophoric use of 5 ŋe⁵ma² as representing a separate lexi-cal item from its exophoric use (which is addressee-centered). 6 ɟe⁵ma² is used for anaphoric and recognitional place reference in clauses with remote past temporal reference. Additionally, the predicate forms of 5 ŋe⁵ma² and 6 ɟe⁵ma² can be used as non-deictic, non-anaphoric predicates that resemble existentials. They appear in existential contexts, as the verbs of location predicates where the location is expressed as an adjunct, and in possessive predicates. In these uses, I gloss the predicate forms of s 5 and 6 as 'be.in.place' ( 5) and 'be.in.place. ' ( 6), not as s.

4 nu⁵ma² is omitted from the above discussion because -- much as 4 ɲo⁴ma⁴ is marginal in the nominal demonstrative paradigm -- 4 nu⁵ma² is marginal in the locative demonstrative paradigm. 4 nu⁵ma² can be used only to index a region that encloses the speaker, such as a room. Unlike all of the other s, it cannot index a point. Since 1 indexes both regions that include the speaker and points within those regions, this means that 4 displays a proper subset of the uses of 1. Even in reference to regions, where the two s overlap, 4 is at least an order of magnitude less frequent than 1. This is exactly the same relationship as found in the nominal demonstrative paradigm: 4 is a low-frequency hyponym of 1, just as 4 is a low-frequency hyponym of 1. Therefore, as with 4, I do not further consider 4 nu⁵ma² -- except to note functions of 1 which the item shares -- and do not include it in summary tables.

Table 1.4 visually represents the analysis of the locative demonstrative meanings summarized above and defended in Chapters 4 through 7.

1.4 Summary

I opened this introduction by motivating why the study of exophoric deixis is valuable (§1.1.1), and overviewing the key claims which I make about the deictic system of Ticuna in the body of the dissertation (§1.1.2). In order to evaluate the evidence for these claims, it is necessary to

Table 1.4: Locative demonstratives: analysis

Demonstrative Phoricity Spatial Content Temporal Content

1 nu⁵a² Exophoric Within reach for Spkr

2 ŋe⁵a² Exophoric Between Spkr and Addr

3 ɟe⁵a² Exophoric Not within reach for Spkr 5 ŋe⁵ma² - Item 1 Exophoric Within reach for Addr

5 ŋe⁵ma² - Item 2 Non-Exophoric ∅

6 ɟe⁵ma² Non-Exophoric [+remote past]

(clausal scope)

understand how the demonstratives of Ticuna cohere as a system, and how they are related to other grammatical systems of the language. Likewise, background information about the Ticuna ethnic group in general, and my eld site of Cushillococha in particular, is important as context for the methods that I discuss in Chapter 2 and the examples given in Chapters 4 through 7. I therefore provided basic information about the Ticuna language and people and the conditions of my eldwork in §1.2. Next, I described the phonology, morphology, and syntax of the language's demonstrative system in §1.3. Finally, as shown in Tables 1.2 and 1.4, I previewed the meaning analysis of the demonstratives proposed in Chapters 4 through 7.

Chapter 2