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EL LIBRO DE LOS CINCUENTA NOMBRES DE MARDUK, VENCEDOR DE LOS ANTIGUOS

In document Necronomicon (página 48-69)

EL LIBRO DE LA LLAMADA

EL LIBRO DE LOS CINCUENTA NOMBRES DE MARDUK, VENCEDOR DE LOS ANTIGUOS

One  key  methodological  starting  point  and  aspect  of  diasporic  vision  in  this  thesis   involves  interviewing  my  ‘friends’  or  ‘subject-­‐peers’  who  reflect  the  particular   Chinese-­‐Canadian  community  in  Vancouver,  Canada  (my  ‘hometown’)  that  I   affiliate  with.61  Within  the  interviews  and  research  design,  my  diasporic  vision  of   affective  hauntings  begins  by  exploring  the  (dis)connections,  links  and  ruptures  in   the  remembrances  of  my  conversational  interviews  with  my  subject-­‐peers.  

There  are  a  number  of  limitations  with  the  method  of  ‘interviews’,  which  is   an  issue  I  will  address  in  later  sections.    Epistemologically,  the  entanglement  of  my   own  autoethnographic  experiences  with  my  subject-­‐peers  is,  thus,  a  key  part  of  my   own  story.    Thus,  my  own  life  context  is  complicit  with  those  whom  I  call  my  

‘friends’  and  who  also  form  the  diasporic  community  I  affiliate  with.    The  relevance   of  this  critical  autoethnographic  epistemology  reflexively  situates  the  

entanglement  of  my  own  autobiographical  narratives  (or  search  for  histories)   along  with  those  of  my  peers  as  a  starting  point.62  My  choice  to  research  ‘peers’  

61  By  ‘subject-­‐peers’,  I  am  referring  to  both  the  dilemma  of  ‘insider/outsider’  as  a  researcher  while   also  explicitly  describing  how  I  am  privileging  ‘peers’  as  an  important  part  of  my  (un)locatable  ‘I’  in   my  autoethnographic  approach.  

within  the  place  I  call  ‘home’  in  Vancouver,  Canada  echoes  Kamala  Viswesaran’s   (1994:  104)  own  re-­‐thinking  of  (auto)ethnography,  where  she  seminally  describes   the  importance  of  doing  ‘homework’  as  opposed  to  ‘fieldwork’.    Whereas  

anthropological  research  has  traditionally  emphasized  ‘going  to  the  field’  (in  a   distant  place),  Viswesaran  instead  emphasizes  the  importance  of  going  “home”,   and  returning  to  rigorously  interrogate  the  neighbourhoods  and  ‘growing-­‐up   places’  within  ‘home’  (Viswesaran  1994:  103).63    

The  population  group  I  am  studying  (and  belong  to)  can  be  situated  in  what   Marianne  Hirsch  (2012)  citing  Eva  Hoffman  (2004)  describes  as  the  

‘postgeneration’  (see  Preface).    In  particular,  the  generation  I  focus  on  are  the   ‘second  generation’  Chinese-­‐Canadians,  who  are  children  born  and  raised  in   Canada  to  Ethnic  Chinese  migrants  originally  from  Hong  Kong,  Taiwan,  or   Mainland  China.    Specifically,  when  I  refer  to  the  “post-­‐generation”  for  the   purposes  of  my  thesis  (particularly  those  considered  ‘1.5’  or  ‘2nd  generation  ‘   Chinese-­‐Canadians)  I  am  referring  to  persons  a)  born  and  raised  in  Canada  to   ethnic  Chinese  immigrants  originally  from  Hong  Kong,  Taiwan,  or  Mainland  China   or  b)  born  overseas  but  primarily  raised  in  Canada.    Furthermore,  I  am  particularly   focusing  on  the  generation  of  children  who  were  born  to  a  particular  wave  of   immigration  that  took  place  in  the  1970's  and  1980's.  Specifically,  approximately   18  persons  participated  in  the  conversational  interviews.    However,  this  thesis   highlights  approximately  12  subject-­‐peers  within  Chapter  3.64    I  conducted  the  

reflections  were  key  starting  points.  What  was  disclosed  to  me  first  challenged  and  humbled  me.    I   realized  that  I  knew  a  lot  ‘less’  about  my  familial  histories  and  national  histories  than  I  thought  I   did.    Some  of  my  peers  knew  more  than  me,  even  though  significant  fragments  were  missing  within   all  of  our  disclosures  (see  Chapter  3).  These  are  issues  I  will  discuss  more  in  Chapters  3,  4,  and  5.   63  What  this  also  brought  up  for  me  was  how  my  ‘fieldwork’  and  ‘homework’  were,  perhaps  the   same  thing.    That  is,  I  went  ‘home’  to  Vancouver,  Canada  to  conduct  the  conversational  interviews,   even  as  I  considered  London,  UK  my  second  home  that  has  been  a  time  that  brought  me  all  kinds  of   life-­‐changing  experiences.    Thus,  paradoxically,  doing  the  fieldwork  in  Canada  felt  like  homework  as   much  as  my  doing  homework  in  Canada  also  felt  like  fieldwork.      

64  During  my  field/home  research,  I  conducted  18  face-­‐to-­‐face  one  to  one  conversational   interviews.  However,  I  have  been  unable  to  include  them  all  due  to  limitations  of  space.  The   number  of  conversation  interviews  I  have  discussed  in-­‐text  (12  interviews)  indicates  how  many   subject-­‐peers  I  have  both  interviewed  and  included  within  the  actual  text  of  my  thesis  analysis.       Furthermore,  this  number  does  not  include  3-­‐4  group  screening/discussion  sessions  or  2-­‐3  group   activities  which  occurred  prior  to  my  screening  of  Nanking  (2007).    Unfortunately,  have  decided   not  to  include  these  in  my  analysis  due  to  making  tough  decisions  about  how  to  frame  this  thesis   and  the  limitations  of  space.    However,  I  do  have  audio/video  records  of  these  

discussions/activities  on  my  computer,  which  would  be  helpful  for  my  future  research  and   publications.      Specifically,  each  of  the  group  screenings  presented  a  different  genre  of  film  (e.g.   martial  arts,  historical  drama,  Hollywood  drama  of  Chinese-­‐Americans,  Hong  Kong  ghost  drama).    

face-­‐to-­‐face  conversational  interviews  over  several  visits  back  to  Vancouver,   Canada.  I  conducted  them  during  my  visits  back  home  during  the  summer  of  2010   and  December  2010  during  Christmas  break.    The  remaining  conversations  were   conducted  in  the  summer  of  2011.    I  had  allotted  under  1  hour  to  complete  the   conversation-­‐interview  (which  I  had  described  to  my  peers  in  the  invitation).     Interestingly,  the  majority  of  these  conversations  exceeded  this  time  scale  and   would  take  up  to  2  hours.65  All  names  have  been  altered  to  preserve  anonymity.     Also,  if  specific  histories  mentioned  places  that  risked  identifying  the  speaker  due   to  the  high  level  of  detail  in  the  disclosure,  I  have  also  changed  this  to  preserve   their  anonymity.  

 I  chose  this  particular  group  located  within  this  migration  wave  firstly  as  it   reflects  my  own  personal  background.    Thus,  the  migration  histories  are  relevant   as  the  parents  of  the  next  generation  Chinese-­‐Canadians  being  researched  here   were  those  who,  in  some  form  or  another  ‘belonged’  to  this  era  of  migration   history.    I  am  a  descendant  of  parents  who  migrated  to  Canada  during  this  era,  as   are  many  of  my  peers  whom  I  have  interviewed.    There  is  a  tumultuous  history   connected  to  historical  violence  and  trauma  in  our  parents  (migration)  stories  that   has  been  difficult  to  access  (e.g.  traumas  during  Second  World  War  but  ignored  in   Western  books  on  the  War;  exile,  escape,  etc.),  and  there  has  certainly  been  a  lack   of  academic  attention  on  this  particular  diaspora  of  forgotten  Chinese  Canadians   (who  are  now  in  their  20's  and  30's  of  age)  that  I  want  to  address.    I  will  speak   about  these  issues  in  much  more  detail  in  Chapter  4  discussing  historical  archives.      

2.5.2  Insider/Outsider,  Formalization  vs.  Friendship,  and  Recruitment  

In document Necronomicon (página 48-69)