Different conceptualization of the function of a university
When students enter a western university, ‘teaching at undergraduate level displays a progressive shift from an analytical approach to more critical thinking’ along Ballard’s (1996:152) education continuum. University teaching aims at developing students’ independent thinking and their ability to handle theory and abstraction. Knowledge is open to question and criticism. It is the teacher’s job to open up any uncertainties or paradoxes in the academic domain. Teachers, instead of being the only authoritative source of knowledge, help students build up their own ideas and judgements (Ballard, 1996:152). In contrast to the textbook-focused and
teacher-focused tradition in China, Western education encourages students to engage in independent exploration in their learning (Gu and Maley, 2008:230). This indicates the potential confusion that Chinese international students might experience when they notice the different roles that teachers assume in these two education systems. At Master’s level in the UK, critical thinking is one of the core learning skills required of all students.
However, unlike Western education, which has integrated Socrates’ ideas into its education system, Confucius’ ideas on thinking in learning are largely overshadowed by his philosophical principles. There are many reasons for this, one of which is probably the inconsistency in his philosophical and educational perspectives. Philosophically, Confucius posits that a harmonious society is built upon a hierarchical structure, where everybody knows her/his place, and hence behave accordingly. To maintain both a hierarchical social order and harmonious relationships, people are socialized to strictly follow the unwritten rules of society. One principle, for instance, is that words should be carefully chosen, and dissenting ideas always avoided, even between peers. Within such a social ideology, even though Confucius advocates the importance of reflective thinking in learning, his emphasis on hierarchy and obedience militates against people engaging in critical thinking. Consequently, Chinese people are more likely to prioritise harmony rather than question and challenge. Any disagreement would be regarded as showing disrespect to a senior, which is not the social norm (Ryan, 2010).
The contrast in education systems between East and West is becoming more and more distinctive, illustrated explicitly in Table 2.1 by Ryan (2010).
Western Confucian
Critical thinking Independent learning Student-centred learning Argumentative learners Achievement of the individual Constructing new knowledge ‘Deep’ learners seeking meaning
Follow the Master
Dependence on the teacher Respect for the teacher Harmony, Passive learners Achievement of the group Respect for historical texts ‘Surface’ or rote learners
Table 2.1: A comparison between the ‘Western’ and the ‘Confucian’ ways of learning (Ryan, 2010:43)
In this table, Western education is characterised by critical thinking and student-centred learning, within which different opinions and stances are welcome and encouraged. On the other hand, ‘Confucian education’ highlights the value of harmony. ‘This knowledge-centred learning stresses the face-value of existing knowledge’ (Wallace and Wray, 2016:8) and by following and respecting it, few opportunities are given for individuals to express their opinions and different voices. In contrast, Western education is more open to controversial arguments, and these are even considered essential for academic development. As for the students from ‘Confucian societies’ (including other Asian countries which have been influenced by
‘learning styles and preferences are largely conditioned by the values of collectivism, conformity and respect’ (Benson et al. 2003:23), and they are often regarded as passive and dependent learners.
However, this does not necessarily mean that Chinese international students do not have their own strengths, comparable to those of their Western counterparts. According to Wallace and Wray (2016:8), Western-educated students might be quick to pick up critical thinking skills, but they also tend to underestimate the effort needed to fully understand the work of others, and tend to overplay these critical skills. On the other hand, Chinese students (or non-Western-educated students) may pay more attention to understanding knowledge, but tend to accept too much at face value without engaging in critical evaluation.
Different evaluation/assessment systems
In the education system, evaluation criteria in Chinese universities focus on the structure and depth of knowledge, while evaluation criteria in the UK focus on the flexible application of the knowledge and creativity of the student. In China, the assessment of students’ learning ability is mainly done through examinations (Zhao, 2012; Liu & Carney, 2012). However, postgraduate students in the UK are usually assessed by ‘means of written assignments and sometimes by collaborative group work.’ (Hajar, 2015: 298). These differences in the evaluation and assessment systems challenge old ways of learning and change the way Chinese students learn in the UK
(Liu, 2012).
Critical thinking, referring to ‘not just passively accepting what you hear or read, but instead actively questioning and assessing’ is an important academic writing/reading requirement in UK higher education (Bailey, 2013; Jiang and Sharpling, 2011; Hajar, 2015). Compared to western assessment that focuses on personal interpretation and critical thinking, Chinese education often assesses student factual knowledge through tests. Liu’s study (2012) of the development of the UK Chinese MA students’ reading strategies found that Chinese students used to adopt a word-by-word text-based reading strategy in China in order to get high scores in the comprehensive English reading test, however as there was a change in the academic reading requirement in the UK, students had to read extensively and to develop their own ideas and the word-by-word strategy was found to be inadequate for academic reading in the UK. Owing to the washback effect triggered by the testing system in China, Chinese students’ reflective thinking gradually diminishes during the learning process and rote learning is further reinforced (Ryan, 2010). Pan and Block’s (2011) investigation of learners and teachers’ beliefs about English language in China also found a prevalent belief that English was an international and global language and a belief in the instrumental value of English. Although English competence was believed to be useful, the learning and teaching of English in China was still examination oriented. They further argued that the ‘exams first’ philosophy which reigns supreme in China’s
contemporary China. One the one hand, ‘it is a commodity, defined by exam results, which can be exchanged on the job market’ (Block, 2010). This means students see the function of learning English as to pass the exams and to get a certificate which can help them find a job – even if the exam results do not really indicate communicative competence. On the other hand, for those who learn English to communicate with non-Chinese nationals, English actually serves a concrete communicative function. In short, these factors work together, and make a deep impact on Chinese students’ English learning beliefs, behaviour and strategies use.