Here, the form has complex negative imperative verbs with -la suffix.The examples show some complex negative imperative verb forms that can be ergativised. The structures in 258a - 262a illustrate complex negative imperative verb forms. The root verb has a low tone while the -la suffix has a high. Note that the examples here have the same form as the examples in 4.7.1.7, but here we are looking at negative imperative -la as a form of negativisation in Igbo.
258(a) Asx kala akwà m
Vpref-wash-tear-NEG cloth 1Sg (b) Akwà m akàla
Cloth 1Sg Vpref-wash-tear-NEG 'My cloth should not tear'
258c shows the derivation of the ergative structure in 258b.
(c) Asx kala akw m
D-Structure: X Vpref-sxka-NEG akwà m
Deletion of subj & main verb: Vpref-ka–NEG akwà m
147 Movement of obj: akwà m Vpref -ka-NEG
Affix hopping: akwà m ka –Vpref –NEG S-Structure: Akwà m akàlà
258c shows the derivation of the ergative form in 258b. The ergative version is derived via the deletion of the logical subject -X and the main verb sx 'wash', the movement of the logical object akwà to the empty subject position and the hopping of the suffix -la over the resultative verb ka to arrive at the surface structure - Akwà m akàlà.
259(a) Ebèkàlà akwxkwq m
Vpref-cut-tear-NEG paper 1Sg (b) Akwxkwq m akàlà
Paper 1Sg Vpref-tear-NEG 'My paper should not tear'
The strings in 259c illustrate the derivation of the ergative structures in 259b.
(c) Eb k l akwxkwq m
D-Structure: X Vpref-beka-NEG akwxkwq m
Deletion of subj & main verb: Vpref-ka-NEG akwxkwq m
Movement of obj: akwxkwq m Vpref -ka-NEG Affix-hopping: akwxkwq m ka -Vpref -NEG S-Structure: Akwxkwq m ak l
In 259c, the transformations that yielded the structure in 259b are illustrated. The ergative version is derived via the deletion of the logical subject-X and the main verb be 'cut' and the movement of the logical object akwxkwq to the empty subject position and the hopping of the suffix -la over
148 the resultative verb ka to arrive at the surface structure - Akwxkwq m akàlà.
260(a) m ch l xzq m
Vpref-close-NEG door 1Sg (b) Xzq m ech l
Door Vpref-close-NEG
'My door should not close'
The derivation of the ergative version in 260b is illustrated in 260c.
(c) Eme chi la xzq m
D-Structure: X Vpref-close-NEG xzq m
Deletion of subj & main verb: Vpref-chi–NEG xzq m Movement of obj: xzq m Vpref -chi-NEG
Affix hopping: xzq m chi –Vpref –NEG S-Structure: Xzq m ech l
260c shows the transformations that yielded the structure in 260b. The ergative version is derived via the deletion of the logical subject-X and the main verb me 'do' and the movement of the logical object xzq m to the empty subject position and the hopping of the suffix -la over the resultative verb ka to arrive at the surface structure - Xzq m echìlà.
261(a) Ad w l ngwa ah[à yā
Vpref-fall-break-NEG commodity 3Sg (b) Ngwaah[à ya awalà
Commodity 1SgVpref-break-NEG 'My commodity should not spoil'
149 261c demonstrates the realisation of the ergative construction in 261b.
(c) Ad w l ngwa ah[a m
D-Structure: X Vpref-dawa-NEG ngwa ah[a m
Deletion of subj & main verb: Vpref-wa–NEG ngwa ah[a m
Movement of obj: ngwa ah[a m Vpref -wa-NEG Affixhopping: ngwaah[a m wa –Vpref –NEG S-Structure: Ngwa ah[a m awal
In 261c, the ergative version in 261b is derived via the deletion of the logical subject-X and the main verb d 'fall' and the movement of the logical object ngwa ah[a to the empty subject position and the hopping of the suffix-la over the resutative verb ka to arrive at the surface structure - Ngwa ah[a m awal
262(a) Esūpula efere m
Vpref-burn-open-NEG plate 1Sg (b) Efere m epu la
Plate 1SgVpref-open-NEG 'My plate should not break' (c) Esūpula efere m
D-Structure:X Vpref-supu-NEG efere m
Deletion of subj& main verb: Vpref-pu–NEG efere m Movement of obj: efere m Vpref -pu-NEG
Affix hopping: efere m pu –Vpref –NEG S-Structure: Efere m epulà
The drivation of the ergative structure in 262b is shown in 262c.The ergative version in 262b is realised through the deletion of the logical subject-X and the main verb su 'hit'.
150 This is followed by the movement of the logical object efere m into empty subject position. The suffix -la hops over the ergative verb -pu to arrive at the surface structure-Efere m epula .
The structures in 258a-262a show transitive use of the verbs while the structures in 258b-262b illustrate the intransitive use. The verbs in the 'a' structures have two arguments each while the verbs in 'b' sentences have only one argument each.
Examples 258b-262b are derived from 258a-262a through the transformations as shown in 258c-262c.