Relación con mi papá o representante (varón) que me cuida.

153 verb ka to arrive at the surface structure - Akwxkwq m akāgh[.

The same transformations took place in 265c-267c to arrive at the surface structures: Xzq echīghi (265), Ngwa ah[ awāgh[

(266c), Efere epūghi (267c).

The argument structure for the negative verbs dqbagh[ and kxpughi is shown in 268a and b below.

268(a) X adqbagh[ akwa

X dq-NEG akwa akwa ba-NEG Argument structure:

Action of X is limited to dqgh[

Akwa is the object of dqgh[

The verb bagh[ subcategorises only akwa The verb bagh[ is ergative

(b) X akxpugh efere

X kx-NEG efere efere pu-NEG Argument structure:

Action of X is limited to kxgh[

Efere is the object of kxgh[

The verb pugh subcategorises only efere The verb pugh is ergative

The structures in 268a and b illustrate the realization of ergative structures in the negative compound verbs dqbagh[ and kxpugh respectively.

154 serialisation in Igbo is a construction where two or more verbs occur in series without an overt connective morpheme between the verbs but with intervening variables between the first two verbs (VI and V2), and V1 and V2 cannot form verb-verb (V-V) compound in the language. Verb serialisations in Igbo are derived from two or more underlying sentences via some transformational rules, such as Equi-NP-Deletion rule which deletes all but the first subject NP in the constructions. In constructions with the same object NP at the D-structure, the second object NP is also deleted by transformation (Onuora 2014). We exemplify below.

269(a) X gb r m m gbaa Chik

X set-forth-rV-(past) 1Sg betrayal set-forth-rV Chik (b) Àm gb r m gbaa Chik

Betrayal set-forth-rV-(past) 1Sg set-forth-OVS Chikè

'I was betrayed and also Chike'

269c shows the derivation of the ergative structure in 269b.

(c) X gb r m m gbaa Chik

D-Structure: X-rVgba m m gba-OVS Chik Deletion of subj: -rVgba m m gba-OVS Chik Movement of obj: m -rVgba m gba -OVS Chik Affix hopping: m gba -rVm gba -OVS Chik S-Structure: Àm gb r m gbaa Chikè

The serial verbs in the constructions consist of two events.

In 269a, two verbs: gb 'betrayed' and gbaa 'betray' occur in series with the inherent verb complement (direct object) of V1, (betrayal) as the intervening variable between the initial verb (V1) and the second verb (V2).The verbs in series share an obligatory single syntactic subject which is expressed before the V1, hence, in example 269a,

155 the syntactic subject X, which is expressed before VI 'betrayed' as well as the subject of V2 gbaa 'betray' and the direct object of V1 'betrayal' is also the direct object of the V2. In example 269b, the object of V1 and V2 - 'betrayal' becomes the grammatical subject of V1 and V2 showing ergativity. To account for the ergative structure in 269b, the following transformations act on 269a to produce the ergative structures in 269b: deletion of the logical subject (X) in the deep structure, movement of the deep structure object ( ) into the base generated empty subject position, and lastly the affix hopping rule in which the -rV suffix hops over the ergative verb gba to arrive at the surface structure. In 269a, X is the subject (Agent) but in 269b, there is no Agent, rather the object (Theme) - is portrayed as the subject.

270(a) X tx rx ya mgbq txq Okafq

X throw-rV-(past) 3Sg bullet throw-OVS Okafq (b) Mgbq tx rx ya txq Okafq

Bullet hit-rV-(past) 3Sg hit-OVS Okafq 'The bullet hit him and Okafq'

In 270c, the transformations that yielded the ergative version in 270b are illustrated.

(c) X tx rx yā mgbq txq Qkafq

D-Structure:X -rV tx ya mgbq tx -OVS Okafo Deletion of subj: -rVtx yā mgbq tx -OVSOkafo Movement of obj: mgbq -rVtx yā tx -OVS Okafo Affix hopping: mgbq tx -rV yā tx -OVSOkafq S-Structure: Mgbq tx rx yā txq okafo

271(a) m r m ihe mee Ibe

X do-rV-(past)1Sg something do-OVS Ibe (b) Ihe m r m me Ibe

Something do-rV-(past) 1Sg do-OVS Ibe 'Something happened to me and Ibe'

The structures in 271c show the realisation of the ergative structure in 271b.

156 (c) m r m ihe me Ibe

D-Structure: X -rVme m ihe me -OVS Ibe Deletion of subj: -rV me m ihe me OVS Ibe Movement of obj: ihe rv -me m me -OVS Ibe Affix hopping: ihe me -rv m me -OVS Ibe S-Structure: Ihe m r m mee Ibe

272(a) t r ya xt taa nd[ be ha

X eat-rV-(past) eat-OVS people his (b) Xta tàrà ya taa nd[ be ha

Blame eat-rV-(past) 3Sg eat-OVS people his 'He was blamed and also his people'

The ergative structure in 272b is derived via the transformations in 272c

(c) X t r ya xtà taa nd[ be hā

D-Structure: X rV-ta yā xtà ta -OVS nd[ be hā Deletion of subj: -rVta ya xta ta -OVS nd[ be hā Movement of obj: xtà -rV ta yā ta -OVS nd[ be hā Affix hopping: xtà ta -rV yā ta -OVS nd[ be hā S-Structure: Xta tàrà ya taa nd[ be hā

273(a) X m r ya ikpe maa nwunyè ya

X condemn-rV-(past) 3Sg judgement condemn-OVS wife 3Sg (b) Ikpe m r yā ma nwunye yā

Judgement condemn-rV-(past) 3Sg condemn-OVS wife 3Sg

'He was condemned with his wife'

273c illustrates the derivation of the ergative version in 273b.

(c) X m r ya ikp maa nwunyè ya

D-Structure:X -rV ma ya ikpe ma -OVS nwuny ya Deletion of subj: -rv ma ya ikpe ma -OVS nwuny ya

157 Movement of obj: ikpe -rV ma ya ma -OVS nwuny ya

Affix hopping: ikpe ma -rV ya ma -OVS nwunye yā S-Structure: Ikpe m r ya maa nwunyè ya

To account for the ergative structures in 270b-273b, the following transformations act on the structures in 270a-273a to produce the ergative structures in 270b-273b: deletion of the logical subjects in the deep structure, movement of the deep structure objects into the base generated empty subject positions, and lastly the affix hopping rule in which the -rV suffixes hop over the ergative verbs to arrive at the surface structures: Mgbq tx rx m txq Okafo (270b), Ihe m mee Ibe (271b), Xtà t ya taa nd[ be hā 272b), Ikpe m ya maa nwunyè ya (273b).

The tree diagram of the ergative structure in 269b (À gbaa Chike) is shown below.

(a) Transitive: gb r m m gbaa Chike gb r m m , gb r Chike m

(b)Ergative: Àm gb r m gbaa Chik S

S

NP AUX VP S

NP AUX VP

N TNS V N

X -rV gba m ama

X rV gba Chike ama

N TNS V NP N

N

N N

158 In the first diagram (a), the subject X is the Agent of the action of the ergative verb gba, but in the second diagram (b), the Theme emerges as the logical subject showing ergativity.