Femininity can be lived as the accumulation of experiences of being silenced; of having to overlook how you are looked over.
(Ahmed 2015, p. 155) The purpose of this study was to understand the ways three women have experienced gender within the culture of band directing while identifying as women, university-level band directors. This chapter serves as the culmination of my study, in which I present additional avenues for discussion, conclusions, implications for music education, limitations of the study, future ideas for research, and my final thoughts.
The questions posed in this study were, at times, not easy to answer. The participants did not always give clear answers, and sometimes the answers were unexpected. For example, it was unexpected that Melissa would struggle to define her identity; it was unexpected that Erin would have fewer obviously gendered experiences with band directing culture than Jane and Melissa; it was unexpected that each consciously used gendered expectations to their advantage.
Their gendered experiences as band directors, which included the
trappings of the role of conductor, required negotiation of their identities in this role. As they navigated their way to the position of band director, each used gendered attributes, humor, and confidence to negotiate, but also acquiesced to the patriarchal rules that continue to govern the role of band director and conductor.
The participants, by doing gender within their role as band directors, exemplified Green’s (1997) two views of confronting musical patriarchy: 1) these
women created an “alternative” femininity, one that was based upon the
strengths of their musical ability, and, 2) confirmed their femininity in ways that did not apologize for, but rather upheld, basic patriarchal emphasis on the body (p. 65).
The roles of conductor and band director—despite the small gains women have made in securing employment as band directors—remain positions that conjure both images and ideas of patriarchy. Women interrupt the ideal of femininity when they conduct an ensemble or play an instrument (Gould, 2003; Green, 1997). The culture of band directing remains patriarchal as well. Gould points to the “cultural systems of music, performance, and college bands—not the actions of individual college band directors, women or men—[that] explain the persistent gender segregation among college band directors” (p. 9).
The conceptual framework for this study included a focus on gender theory, role theory and identity theory to comprehend the ways three women have experienced gender while working as university-level band directors. After the data were studied, I created a findings framework to show how to show how the findings were represented within each theory. As a result of the analysis of the data, my understanding of these three theories broadened. I found that the original three theories that informed the conceptual framework became more complex but with less overlap than originally anticipated. Figure 2 provides a graphic representation of the findings framework.
Figure 2. Findings Framework
I found that each theory within the conceptual framework was not only supported by the findings, but also expanded. Because each participant
described examples of doing and undoing gender, this represented an expansion of gender theory. Each participant revealed instances of gender socialization
Gendered Experiences of the Woman University Band Director
Role
Theory
Role- Identity TheoryGender
Theory
Doing Gender Undoing GenderIdentity
Theory
Identity and Roles Gender Socializationcoupled with an understanding of role expectations, which served as an
extension of identity theory. Through their experiences, each participant spoke of framing an identity with the role as a central idea.
Conclusions
The women in this study were exceptional teachers and musicians, dedicated to the students and music they cared deeply about. The first major finding of this research emerging from research question #1 is that the culture of band directing, within the broader culture of academia, represented arenas where the participants had to both assimilate and acquiesce to two patriarchal cultures at once, negotiating their identities and the gendered expectations of the roles they played. A conclusion to be drawn is that, despite the gains that have been made by women who have become successful band directors, the rules of patriarchy remain entrenched in both academia and university band directing.
The second major finding distilled from research question #2 was that the identities these women claimed and the roles they played were, for some of them, considered similar if not the same, while for others there was a clear distinction between a role and an identity. Erin and Melissa experienced identity and role as one and the same; this seemed related to their self-confidence. I concluded that when there is, in essence, a “floating” between the worlds of identity and roles, it is because identities are created with the role as a central idea and vice-versa. Jane was clear about drawing the line between the roles she played and her identity as musician. I concluded that creating such a distinction was born out of a need for control. She needed to be able to draw the line
between who she felt she is inside and who she is at her job, which is part of the band director persona. A related conclusion is that for women who see
themselves as band directors, there is more currency in claiming the identity of band director than performing it as a role.
The third major finding of this research, related to research question #3, is that multiple strategies were required in order for the participants to be effective in their jobs as university band directors. Each participant was in a constant state of being willful; they negotiated, strove to keep their sense of femininity, humor, and “did gender” to varying degrees each day. I concluded that this may be the only way for a woman band director to balance her drive to perform the role of band director successfully with professional acceptance.
Lastly, it is important to note that the findings were not solely the result of either academia or band directing. I found no clear delineation between the themes resulting from one arena or the other; both arenas influenced the experiences of the participants.
Looking Ahead
The College Music Society reported that from 2001 to 2011, the number of women in the field of band directing at the university level comprised
approximately 9% of the total. According to the most recent CMS directory (2015–2016), the percentage has increased slightly to 10%. Though only an increase of one point, this could be viewed as encouraging. Of the women interviewed for this project, two oversaw a Division I program and one led a
Division II program. Granted, the sample size for this study was very small, but it may be indicative of an interesting trend: while women may be making some gains in obtaining band directing positions in post-secondary schools in the United States, it appears they are being hired in greater numbers as assistant band directors. Table 3 shows the number of women and men listed and employed as band directors in nine NCAA division 1-A schools by conference. They are categorized as directors (those who oversee an entire band program) or assistant directors (those who direct athletic bands and secondary ensembles, such as university or concert bands):
Table 3. Band Directors in NCAA-1A Schools by Conference and Gender
Note: Information retrieved July 27, 2016 from http://web1.ncaa.org/memberLinks/links.jsp.
Considered within the national percentage of women band directors at all reporting universities and colleges, this reflects what may be a growing comfort level with women as assistant band directors.
While women are greatly outnumbered by men in the field of band
directing, there are more women employed now as assistant band directors than in previous years; this is notable for two reasons: first, even as assistants, women are visible in their respective programs and second, as assistants, women may be
positioning themselves for band directing opportunities in the future.
Conversely, according to the 2015-2016 CMS directory, 466 schools were listed as 2-year schools. Of those schools, only 12 (2.6%) list a woman as band director. This number includes women who had recently retired from a high school band directing position or concurrently directed a high school program.
When women take on positions typically held by men, they encounter varying forms of discrimination and stereotypical behavior by men and women alike (Babcock & Laschever, 2003; Caesar, 2013; Ember, 2016; Pogrebin, 2016). Further, “social censure” may be inflicted upon women who prove undeniably successful in positions normally held by men (Heilman, Wallen, Fuchs & Tamkins, 2004, p. 417). Evidence exists that social censure has occurred within the band directing and conducting communities (Bartleet, 2003, 2008a, 2008b; Cheng, 1998; Gould, 1996, 2005; Jagow, 1998).
Because roles influence identities, discussion of both became important when I interviewed and observed the participants. McCall and Simmons’ (1978) view of role-identity theory maintains that people create identities with the role as central idea. Each participant in this study felt her primary identity was firmly rooted in being a musician, but other identity affinities rang true: educator, problem-solver, “den-mother,” dictator; however, these were presented by the participants as roles. Though not always at the forefront in their descriptions, identities were often viewed as the roles that they performed. When one performs a role, one does so with the societal expectations associated with that role (Biddle, 1986; Burke & Stets, 2009; Turner, 2002), and that performance may