CLASIFICACIÓN, ALMACENAMIENTO Y REGISTRO DE DESECHOS NO PELIGROSOS, DESECHOS PELIGROSOS Y DESECHOS ESPECIALES
A) Medida N°. 8 MANEJO Y ALMACENAMIENTO ADECUADO DE DESECHOS SÓLIDOS NO PELIGROSOS O COMUNES Y DESECHOS
While this chapter has provided an overview of subjects related to religion and tel- evision, more and more, students of religion and television must look beyond the
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television set itself, and extend their gaze to DVD commentaries (and other“bonus” features), Web series, YouTube channels, and on-demand programming. There is a world of regular programming beyond the scope of this chapter.
On the other hand, the programming that is (and was) on the television set remains a treasure trove of unstudied topics. Though the traditional “Big Three” networks are slowly losing ground, filling their time slots with derivative police procedurals and sitcoms, cable and satellite television providers more regularly include a number of religion-oriented channels in the upper reaches of the channel guide. Some are inheritors of PAX TV; others are more specific (Catholic or Mormon; see Santana and Erickson 2008: 114). In this regard, Canada provides an interesting contrast to the United States. With multiculturalism an official Canadian policy, Canadian religious broadcasting expresses itself through multi-faith channels, unheard of south of its own border. Along with prosperity gospel preacher Kenneth Copeland and conservative Evangelical James Robison, JoyTV broadcasts Insight into Sikhism, Dis- covering Islam, and Being Hindu (see JoyTV n.d.). Religion on television series from any of the many“golden ages” of the television cries out for religious studies analysis. In the end, religion and television remains a rich, largely unexplored territory.
Notes
1 Fiske sees dance competitions and sports as ritualized conflicts. Ritualization takes place when genuine antagonism becomes ordered, easily judged, and ceremonial (Fiske and Hartley 2003). Fiske uses 1970s British TV shows, but these insights apply easily to Monday Night Football (ABC, 1970–2005; ESPN, 2006–present), Survivor (CBS, 2000–present), and Dancing With the Stars(ABC, 2005–present). Other scholars have seen them as examples of collective effervescence (Dant 2012: 55–56).
2 The one exception is a detailed treatment of Bishop Fulton Sheen (Hour of Power, 1952–57), who lectured on TV in very specific religious trappings (full bishop’s outfit including cassock, a gold cross and chain at his neck, purple cape, skull cap), and yet whose program—with its universalist message—was watched by Protestants and Jews. Sheen is the exception that proves the rule. The Hour of Power, along with televangelism, has become part of the standard narrative of US television history that allows historians to ignore any other religion.
3 This chapter focuses on scripted television—excluding broadcast journalism, “reality” shows, and televangelism—from the English-speaking world.
4 Scholar of American religion Catherine Albanese (2013: 276) defines “public Protestantism” as a social phenomenon in which the“majority tradition act[s] in subtle and not-so-subtle ways to wear away the sharp edges of separateness and to bring people within its scope,” providing“acknowledged ways of thinking and acting supported by most institutions in society.” Albanese observes that, because of the broad social construction of public Pro- testantism, non-Protestants (and even the unaffiliated) are strongly influenced by—and participate in—its norms.
5 Because it involves specific religious institutional mechanisms and not more subtle aspects of religious rhetoric and myth construction, we will not explore religious distribution of television. Readers interested in this topic are encouraged to start with Melton et al. (1997). 6 Unlike the Simpsons, who belong to a church unaffiliated with a Protestant denomination
(“The First Church of Springfield”), the Hill family belongs to a Methodist church. 7 There are female anti-heroes: Patty Hewes on Damages (FX, 2007–10; Audience Network
2011–12); Nancy Botwin on Weeds (Showtime, 2005–12); Jackie Peyton on Nurse Jackie (Showtime, 2009–present); and Amy Jellicoe on Enlightened (HBO, 2011–13). All but Damagesare 30-minute programs, a curiosity left for another time.
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8 One priest, Father Phil, was a third-string character in itsfirst season.
9 There are several anti-Semitic references, particularly in the first season, when one of Draper’s lovers is a Jewish department store heiress. But these comments seem more anti- ethnic than anti-religious; no comments are made about Judaism as religious system (rituals, teachings, etc.).
10 Matt Weiner, the creator of Mad Men, was also a writer-producer on The Sopranos. 11 As it turns out, the “non-mythological” episodes were also mythological, albeit in a dif-
ferent form; many of the “monster of the week” plots were derived from urban legends that illuminate the deep structure of our society, as well as regional and immigrant cultures of the United States.
12 Religious studies analyses of television reception often also include an analysis of the reli- gious dimensions of viewer fandom; space restraints make such an exploration here impossible. Readers are encouraged to see the works of Clark (2009; 2003), Santana and Erickson (2008), Porter and McLaren (1999), and Jindra (1994) for in-depth analyses of this phenomenon.
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