Metodologías para evaluar la Gestión de los inventarios 19 

The forewords and prefaces, or ‘pre-texts’, are often paradoxical and reveal hesitations about the status of the female novelist who often preferred to be seen as a mere painter of life, like a memoirist. To pretend to be an author in the 1800s was still to sell oneself in the public sphere, the figure of the noble femme d'esprit was associated with immoral behaviours and the Ancien Régime salonnière. Claire Cottin, acclaimed novelist, still anticipates criticism in the preface of Claire d'Albe because of ‘son âge et […] son sexe’.5 At the same time though, the ‘typically feminine’ prose was praised because it was believed to best encapsulate the nuances of emotions. Women novel readers fell under the same scrutiny: after Rousseau, and the increasing popularity of the novel of sensibility, the thought that fiction could push people to be immoral in real life was commonplace.6 These attacks on the sentimental novel and its female authors and readers underlined the sexual licence

5

Sophie Cottin, Claire d'Albe, (Paris, 1805), p. vii, Gallica, http://gallica.bnf.fr/, [accessed April 2015].

6

Jean Jacques Rousseau championed this belief, but was far from being isolated. His position was paradoxical because he categorically stated women shouldn’t read but at the same time valorised sensible qualities for both sexes. In 1790s in Britain, sensibility was associated to irrational and the French Revolution by prints. Sensibility meant effeminate men, preferring weeping passively over taking action. In Janet Todd, Sensibility, an Introduction, (London, 1986), p. 133-4; 137; 141.

and risk of unruly behaviour in the family realm.7 Women from this corpus, with the exception of Souza, who published her first novel in 1793, were active in literature in the first half of the nineteenth century, a time when the sentimental novel came increasingly under attack not only for being subversive but also dated and spreading ridiculous mannerisms in social behaviour.8 So what strategies did these noblewomen writers adopt? And in what way did being an émigré shape their justification of authorship?

Memoirs, as a genre available for the émigré noblewomen, offered a double justification of authorship making it a 'safe' activity to undertake: first as an aristocratic genre par excellence and thus naturally fitted to the leisured noblewoman and secondly, because the political turmoil experienced justified and legitimised the attempt at writing accounts of one's experience of it. Until the Revolution, autobiographies were also rare and exclusively written by men, with the notable exception of Manon Roland in 1793.9 The explosion of émigré memoirs up until the 1850s, and the sizeable proportion of female ones attest to this.10 The prefaces emphasised above all modesty and sincerity, and, despite the strong attraction of stories of the old court etiquette and the emigration, female memoirists were

7

Todd, Sensibility, an Introduction, p. 136. Michel Foucault explained this aversion for novels as 'instrument of perversion par excellence' in Madness and Civilization, (London 1977), p. 219.

8

According to Todd, the most sustained attacks came with Jane Austen. Austen operated a systematic reversal of the sentimental themes: mothers are not dutiful, families are dysfunctional, and daughters do not marry against their fathers' will but comply with a reasonable man. She suggests Sense and Sensibility in instances mocks the plot of Richardson’s Clarissa. This remark about the reversal of the sentimental themes is interesting for this analysis of the originality of the émigré novel. In Todd,

Sensibility, an Introduction, p. 144.

9

Jeanne-Marie Roland de La Platière, Mémoires de Madame Roland, ed. byClaude Perroud , (Paris,

1905). Noticeably Roland’s autobiography is called ‘memoirs’… Hart, Revolution and Women’s

Autobiography, p. 28. Hart adds that by the early nineteenth century, the 'I' was still strictly masculine: ‘The liberation of women’s autobiographical writings would require new myths of origins that challenged patriarchal fictions’, Ibid, p. 31.

10

For a review of the memoirs of the Empire and Restoration period see Jean Tulard, Bibliographie critique des mémoires sous le Consulat et l'Empire, (Paris, 1973). The duchesse de Gontaut, Madame de La Tour du Pin and the duchesse de Maillé in their various political opinions offer a good

representation of what a female memoirs is in the nineteenth century: Marie Joséphine Louise, duchesse de Gontaut, Mémoires de Madame la duchesse de Gontaut, (Paris, 1909); La Tour du Pin,

‘soucieuses d'accéder à une authenticité de l'être plutôt qu'à une illusoire vérité historique’.11

In that respect, Henri Rossi stressed that the self became the main point of focus in female memoirs rather than great events or political actors. The aristocratic attitude, or refusal to speak about the self, disappeared to the profit of a more nuanced approach introducing the self with the purpose of adding credibility.12 This tendency to be more personal was not always nuanced, the vicomte Walsh proudly affirmed: 'parler des siens n'est point de l'égoïsme: aussi je ne m'excuse pas, je m'explique'.13

In the aftermath of the Revolution, the sentimental novel was still popular, yet more and more seen as dated; in parallel, the emergence of more personal memoirs was a reaction to the revolutionary upheaval. In this context, what we have called the pre-texts of the chosen corpus are a useful tool for deciphering the intentions of these women exiles turned authors and to illustrate how the lived emigration forms a constitutive part of the émigré literary project. The foreword to Adèle de Boigne’s memoirs of the Revolution and emigration Récits d’une tante paved the way for her assertion of authorship in her subsequent novels. Indeed she did not show as much self-confidence as Walsh in justifying her personal take on the emigration experience; instead she apologised for putting herself in her memoirs. This can seem paradoxical to us, however it fits within the conceptions of the time about the genre: ‘j’ai parlé de moi, trop peut-être, certainement plus que je n’aurai voulu, mais il a fallu que ma vie servît de fil à mes discours et montrât comment j’ai pu savoir ce que je raconte’.14

Giachetti noted that in the memoirs the absence of sub-titles for each

11

Giachetti, Poétique des lieux, p. 46-7; Rossi, Mémoires aristocratiques, p. 47.

12

Rousseau's Confessions is seen as helping the shift towards more inwardness in the memoirs according to Rossi. Jean Jacques Rousseau, Les Confessions, (Paris, 1782-1789). In Rossi, Mémoires aristocratiques, pp. 29-36.

13

Joseph Alexis, vicomte de Walsh, Souvenirs de cinquante ans, (Paris, 1845), p. 398.

14

chapter indicated they were more personal; whereas when they were present, they recalled the lineage with the aristocratic genre and its impersonality.15

Boigne did divide her five volumes into chapters, each with a detailed list of sub-titles. The title in itself reminds the reader of her being female within a familial realm. To ensure she was not seen as a real author, she even devalued her writings as a typically ‘feminine’ salon occupation: she termed it ‘une causerie de vieille, un ravaudage de salon’; with ‘pas plus d’importance qu’un ouvrage de tapisserie’.16

She defused criticism about the veracity of the facts by refusing to be writing ‘un livre’ and instead offering her humble yet first-hand testimony. However, her definition of truth is curious: ‘on est vrai quand on dit ce qu’on croit’, making evident she avoided being seen as a historian too.Because Boigne also wrote novels, she ventured out from the safety of memoir writing. While there is no foreword in La Maréchale d'Aubemer -even though her narrator voice is affirmed many times within the plot- in Une Passion dans le grand monde we find a declaration where, much like in the Récits, she pretends to paint her society as it is, almost in a documentary way, and refuses to embrace the process of fiction-writing altogether. It seems that, for Boigne, writing a novel was the same as writing memoirs, or at least she wished it to be so: her foreword talks of a ‘histoire de salon’ when her memoirs mentioned a ‘causerie de vieille’. Her stated objective for Une Passion was merely to paint the social group that she frequented, the ‘royalist aristocracy’, based only on her recollections.17 Furthermore, the analysis provided by Amélie Le Normant in the preface to the 1867 edition of Boigne’s Une Passion stressed how much of her own life was invested in the novel: ‘La plupart des scènes de ses romans ne sont que des réminiscences, elle

15

Giachetti, Poétique des lieux, p. 36-7.

16

Récits, p.6-7.

17

en convient ; elle s’y est peinte elle-même’.18 Her novels are said to be mere ‘réminiscences’, and her memoirs an incomplete recording of what she witnessed during the revolutionary decade: as a result, the essence of each genre is emptied and replaced by Boigne’s own conception of female writing. We have reasons to think Boigne started her memoirs before her novels: both were published posthumously, but we do know that her memoirs were written as a reaction to a tragic loss in 1835.19 It is logical that she started with the less threatening activity first, and then transposed a secure and familiar mode of authorship to her novel, which reinforces the idea of the porosity of genre definitions. Her legitimacy as a writer was coming from her status of noblewoman, and émigré witness and as such, she pretended to be doing no different in her novels than merely arranging her past onto paper.

When not writing their memoirs, which were a secure platform from which to claim modesty, how did the other female émigrées assert their authorship? Souza expresses in her preface to her first novel in 1793 the same desire to protect herself by the 'real' account of life. She stated that her aim was 'montrer, dans la vie, ce qu'on n'y regarde pas, et décrire ces mouvements ordinaires du cœur'.20 _{It primarily} viewed the novel as a detailed documentary of human emotions. At a later point, the novelist even makes a curious comparison with history: ‘il y a des ouvrages de l'antiquité dont la vraisemblance scrupuleuse fait douter encore s'il faut les considérer ou comme l'histoire ou comme fiction morale’.21 _{For Boigne, writing history was not} modest enough; for Souza, the stamp of history brought respectability and a hint of

18

Boigne, Une Passion, p. iii. Amélie Le Normant was Madame Récamier’s niece, and Boigne and Récamier were close friends. Wagener, La comtesse de Boigne, p. 11.

19

Récits p. 5

20

Souza, Adèle de Sénange, p. i.

21

truthfulness to her fiction.22 It also fits with her literary project of recording the trivial and fleeting: ‘J'aime à croire que l'on pourrait se rapprocher davantage de la nature, et que l'on ne manquerait pas à l'utilité, peut-être même à l'intérêt, en cherchant à tracer ces détails fugitifs qui occupent l'espace entre les événements de la vie’.23 From there comes morality she affirms, even though we suspect a different and more personal purpose in her writing. Indeed, when reading Adèle de Sénange one cannot but observe that this banality she probed is that of a timeless Ancien Régime society, as she liked to recall it in the midst of her London exile. Because of the context she wrote it in, these little things of life are anything but banal and instantly take a higher almost cathartic meaning. As a consequence, the foreword's modesty takes on a slightly different meaning if compared to the main text. The dialogue between the two helps us understand how she built her novel, with reference to the vogue for moral sentimental plots, and her more personal intentions as a female émigré writer.24 For Souza, the emigration experience served as justification and motivation for becoming an author. The tension between the wish to testify of a golden age overcomes the fear of becoming a female author. The preface to Adèle de Sénange is a way of rooting the texts into a tradition of modest female writing, but it is intrinsically contradictory and fails to match the main text which follows.25 Noticeably, these pre-texts tend to disappear once the writer has affirmed her

22

The type of antique history she describes as source for the novel is a 'romancised' history, written in a literary style, with a political and moral agenda, hence the assimilation with the novel. The Greek and Romans historians prided themselves in conveying powerful historical moments via their poetic writing style, see for instance the Greeks Herodotus, in his Historia 5th century BC, Thucydides, in his

War of the Peloponnesian, 4-5th century BC; or the Roman Tacitus in his Historiae, or even Ab excessu diui Augusti, 2nd century. By referring to the great historians of the past Souza imbues her novel with morality, whilst still asserting her pretension to narrate the emotional journey of her protagonists.

23

Adèle de Sénange, p. xx.

24

Once this was established, she didn't feel the need to reiterate her declaration of intention in the successive novels, hence the absence of prefaces.

25

The paradoxical prefaces can also be because the genres available, the memoirs and the sentimental novel, were not fitted to what the émigré writer wanted to voice.

narrative voice. The line between memoirs and novels is definitely not solidly drawn for émigré noblewomen taking up writing. In both Boigne and Souza’s cases, despite their different experiences of exile, contemporary events and memories are triggers and main material leading them to put pen to paper.

Duras did not provide apologetic prefaces to her novels Ourika and Edouard, published in the years 1824-5.26 _{She did not publish memoirs of her emigration like} Boigne, nor did she start her writing activity during or shortly after her exile like Souza. Her fictional works received a warm welcome by the public and her literary merit was recognised by contemporaries.27 _{The duchesse de Maillé praised her} unique talent: ‘Dans ce temps où presque toutes les femmes ont écrit, Madame de Duras a montré une grande supériorité’.28 _{Ourika is, unlike Duras’ other published} novel, Edouard, set during the Revolution even if historical events are relegated to the background. At first sight, her approach to authorship seems much more confident and less based on her emigration experience than Boigne and Souza. Nonetheless, the recent publication of her unfinished novels strengthens her émigré colour, whilst it informs us a little bit more about her authorial intentions, and the way she juggled between memories and fiction writing. Indeed, Marie-Bénédicte Diethelm treats Les Mémoires and Amélie et Pauline as ‘romans d’émigration’ and enriches the text with abundant notes on the revolutionary events and details on the real persons mentioned in the plot.29 _{As we will subsequently see, Duras also}

26

Olivier ou le secret, written in 1821-2 wasn't published during Duras' life becausethe rumours surrounding the scandalous theme of the novel -said to be about impotence- discouraged her to present it to the public.

27

For a chronology of the publication and re-editions, adaptation to the theatre, by-products inspired notably by the character of Ourika, see the Folio Classique edition of Ourika, Edouard, Olivier ou le secret, ed. Marie-Bénédicte Diethelm, 'Les Oeuvres de Madame de Duras en leur temps. Chronologie d'un phénomène', pp. 212-222.

28

Maillé, Souvenirs, p. 230-1.

29

Duras, Mémoires de Sophie, suivi de Amélie et Pauline. ed. by Marie-Bénédicte Diethelm. Diethelm's pertinent notes after each novel inform us of the errors in the chronology, make parallels

hesitated between the memoirs and the novel and this is evident in her inédit works. One cannot but notice how identical the plots are in both texts, even though the titles indicate a clearer categorisation of the genres. Both treat the same material, freely inspired by Duras' own experience of emigration: the heroine undergoes a similar exile in Switzerland and England and heartbreak after being abandoned by her émigré companion. Thus the genre becomes almost an artificial appellation: Les Mémoires de Sophie are and are not memoirs, Amélie et Pauline is and is not a novel. According to Diethelm it is highly likely that both texts were written simultaneously, but after Duras’ other novels, in the late 1820s, which corroborates the idea of a contamination between the genres. It works as if, with the same raw material, Duras attempted two narrative approaches, one memoir, one novel. This recalls Boigne’s approach to memoirs and novel writing displayed in her prefaces. Are Duras’ texts two fictional autobiographies or are they memoirs hidden behind a novelistic approach? Genre as defining literary category becomes artificial here, failing to define Duras' work. This is why those texts are émigré novels: their element of unity lies in the underlying reference to the Revolution and emigration.

We have made evident here various strategies for framing the authorial project, indicating the porosity and malleability of the novel and memoir genres. These strategies protect the female author and fit with her desire to record an eventful and often traumatic past. The sheer brutality of the events witnessed and the desire to record them drives our noblewomen to take up writing, with their own take on how much reserve, and how much private and historical content is acceptable. The affirmation of authorship for our three female émigré writers stems from the immediate and reflected experience of emigration. Duras' case, shows also that the

with real life characters in Duras' life and above all refer to the author's personal correspondence which bears resemblance with the both texts.

blurring of the line between memoirs and fiction could be intentional or at the very least inevitable in an attempt to record and fictionalise a challenging moment in her exile life. Therefore, the tension between memories and fiction is one key element of the émigré novel, defining its genesis and its content.

2. The affirmation of authorship is facilitated by the emigration in