MINISTERIO DE SALUD

“…being bigger helps….”

From being more alpha or confident, to gaining physical ascendancy and being intimidating, Wall and Kristjanson (2005, 88) suggests that “being a stud” who is

Page 92 of 230

physically fit is a defining characteristic of hegemonic masculinity. In addition, the findings of this research showed that being muscular, bigger, stronger and more physically capable were hegemonic masculine traits desired by footballers. Donaldson (1993, 655) denoted hegemonic masculinity as “a question of how particular groups of men inhabit positions of power and wealth, and how they legitimatise and reproduce social relationships that generate their dominance”. The body is used as a mechanism or weapon of social practice to enforce hegemonic masculinity and men’s dominant position over other men and women (Connell and Messerschmidt 2010, 222). It was apparent that having a bigger muscular size (excluding obesity) was tantamount to maintaining a dominant position over both men and women, and also helped to reproduce such dominance. This was emphasised by Union 4 who established that his physical size gave him power over his sisters. AFL 1 expressed the need to be big and strong as being a construction of masculinity. AFL 1 believed mass media has had a great influence on his construction of men and masculinity, stating: “…immediately think of TV which generally portray [sic] yeah more visual image of it, which is guys with big muscles; yeah tanned, flexing, getting the girls so yeah certainly getting girls and being big and strong”. He later iterated that he felt family, school, peer groups and mass media were responsible in developing his own concept of masculinity. His infant hero was inspired by a cartoon and had “muscles and being big and strong”. It is viewed that the body is a personal resource that can be used during social interactions and represents a symbol of power or powerlessness (Messerschmidt 2000, 94). Messerschmidt (2012, 158) in his study revealed “that the body is an inescapable and integral part of practicing heteromasculinities…”. It is clear that footballers used their bodies as a weapon to reinforce power.

Similar to AFL 1 and 2, AFL 3 viewed attending the gym to increase body size as masculine and that being bigger physically affords you more respect. He reveres “gym junkies” who need to enhance their physique and believes men need to “go to the gym, play footie, go to training, have barbeque with some mates, drinking some beer...”. He cited that being and feeling like a “big man” was significant. He insisted that this is why so many people go to the gym as you have to be big and strong and thus manly. He summarized that he wanted to enhance his body as he heard that it impressed girls and subsequently worked out. Furthermore, AFL 4 regarded his father, who had a big body and got the biggest piece of meat on the table, as masculine. On the contrary, he didn’t even take notice of his mother. As previously stated, he noted like, AFL 1 and 3, the nexus

between gym, sports, strength and being a man: “Yeah so definitely you have I guess the jock group where everyone was looking to get stronger, go to the gym and train and stuff and that ways you get the girls to be more so orientated with being a [sic] pretty and socialising.” This AFL player idolised football players due to their physical prowess or size as aforementioned: “a football player had bigger shoulders or like could run a distance within a certain time, I wanted to do that as well so, I guess that’s within the masculinity thing.” League 3 also repeated the sentiments of other football players regarding physique: “Everyone brings out hey you’ve got to have a perfect body like six pack and massive big arms and stuff like that, just Gym Jockeys that’s the real big body image thing that I found…having bigger biceps”.

The final league player, League 4, outlined his arrogance in regard to his body: “I’m pretty; like I’m... being the best man it makes me feel good. Say I even saw it... in general like in like I meet someone in the crowd or in the club; I feel better, more confident. In sport I know I’ll be better than him, I’ll be more powerful”. He felt that being bigger is also more attractive to women and, as stated by League 1, being larger “definitely catches their eyes”. Furthermore, similar to League 3, there was a tangible link to sport, better body image, confidence and popularity with women: “Yeah I took up sports seriously when I was fat, took up my sports seriously and that’s trimmed me down a lot, say I want to ... work obviously better on the being more pro, more attractive for women and that’s made me lot more confident.” He detailed the use of his body in sports:

In sport, stronger body is very powerful, with League yeah violence being bigger, that definitely helps. Yeah if you’re going to be in a fight, the big[ger]… you are some advantage. Non violent practices, yeah just women and stuff I think, being bigger helps I think.”

Swain (2006) argues hegemonic forms of masculinity are inextricably connected to the body and that athleticism as well as physicality is considered the most cherished and extensively utilised resource as it is the physical capital of the body that is the viewed as the most acceptable, easily accessible and desirable way to evince manliness. This use of the body was also implemented by the footballers in the current study as it was clear that hegemonic masculinity was to be big and strong and was an important masculine construct for all participants. This obsession with size even extended to genital obsession where small penises were derogated (see Chapter Five). In conclusion, footballers and

Page 94 of 230

their peers believed size does matter and that it is a hegemonic construction of masculinity.