Padres hablantes bilingües: aimara - castellano

Introduction

I first became associated with the Te Whiuwhiu o te Hau Maori Counselling programme in 1991 when I was invited along with a small group of others to attend a meeting with the then Head of Department of Maori Studies at Waikato Polytechnic (now named Waikato Institute of Technology, WINTEC). The purpose of that meeting was to discuss the possibility of developing a programme for Maori Counsellors. From that initial meeting, I and Linda Nikora were commissioned by the Head of Department to carry out a Needs Assessment study within the Waikato/Hamilton catchment area (Moeke-Pickering & Nikora, 1991). The study confirmed claims that a Maori counselling programme was needed and also provided a direction for course content. This study became the impetus for Maori Studies to develop a Maori counselling programme. The first programme began in 1992 as a pilot. Since then, the programme has grown from a Certificate programme to a Bachelor of Social Science Degree with a Maori Counselling Endorsement in 2002. From the time that the idea for the programme was conceived to the present, I have continued to be involved with the programme taking on various roles from being a researcher, to programme developer and tutor. The term tutor is used at WINTEC and is synonymous with terms such as lecturer or teacher. The tutor has the main responsibility to teach on the

programme.

In the first section, I provide a brief historical overview of the Aotearoa/New Zealand pre-colonial and colonial background to set the context for this case study. I then examine assimilative legislation that impacted Maori peoples focusing on education and health as these are central themes to my research. L.T. Smith (1999) endorses the need to engage in a critical analysis of Indigenous histories as this gives Indigenous writers the opportunity to rewrite history from their perspective. The second section of this case study is about the Te Whiuwhiu o te Hau programme. I begin with a review of literature about Counselling in general in New Zealand, followed by Maori Counselling. Then I review the key

developmental phases of the programme itself, followed by course content choices and teaching pedagogies. The case study covers the major domains, themes and key findings from the questionnaires that were conducted from October 2005 to January 2007.

Brief Overview of Pre-Colonial period in Aotearoa/New Zealand

Maori are the Indigenous peoples of Aotearoa (the traditional Maori name for New Zealand) and claim genealogical kinship ties to Polynesians of the Pacific Islands (Best, 1996; Buck, 1949). Oral stories are an important means by which Maori peoples transmitted information and knowledge from generation to generation. Whether it be in the form of oratory, songs, karakia (prayer and

incantations) or through the medium of art, these oral histories recounted whakapapa (genealogical relationships); stories of great feats and events; tribal stories;

customary rules and protocol stories; particular wars; love stories; stories of

mythology; poetry; and insightful visions. It is through oratory, that Maori peoples received their beliefs, customs, culture and spirituality and from where they created the ethos and philosophies upon which their traditional societies were formed (Moko-Mead, 1997).

Maori views of the world are based on the proposition that the environment interacts with humans and vice versa, each having an integral relationship to each other (M. Durie, 1998). The personification of origin stories such as Sky Father and Earth Mother or how Aotearoa came to be underlies this point. Early stories recounting how the North and South Islands; Te Ika a Maui and Te Wai Pounamu respectively, received their names derived from the deeds of the eponymous ancestor Maui (an ancestor who possessed godlike powers) who was also known for his craftiness and trickery. Maui along with his brothers left their homeland of Hawaiki (a traditional place in the Pacific where the forebears of Maori ancestors came from) to go fishing when they came across a great whale which they followed down to the South Pacific Ocean. It is said that Maui fished up the whale now known as the North Island. The traditional name is referred to as Te Ika a Maui, the great fish of Maui. The South Island is referred to as his canoe Te Waka a Maui; however, the name in usage today

is Te Waipounamu. It is said that Stewart Island was the anchor of his canoe and was named Te Punga a Maui.

Many generations later, Polynesian explorers on seafaring canoes criss-crossed the Pacific Ocean and one of the islands they visited was Aotearoa. The earliest recalled Polynesian explorer believed to have arrived in Aotearoa around 950AD was Kupe from Tahiti (Walker, 1990). The name Aotearoa is attributed to Kupe’s wife who upon seeing a long white cloud aptly called it Aotearoa meaning the land of the long white cloud. The next arrival period recounted is that of the great migration fleets which are said to have arrived from Polynesia around 1350AD (Best, 1996). Members of some fleets encountered early inhabitants upon their arrival with whom they cohabitated. These early descendants set up a thriving society which flourished for hundreds of years.

Maori peoples identified themselves primarily from the strata of their tribal structures, these being whanau (extended family), hapu (sub-tribe), iwi (tribe) and waka (ancestral canoes) (Walker, 1990). A collective and individual identity formation was shaped by these tribal structural foundations (A. Durie, 1997) with genealogy being a fundamental underpinning. The tribal structures formed a society in which Maori could participate in their political, social, spiritual and cultural practices (Walker, 1989). Maori society was communal (M. Durie, 1994). The whanau (extended family groups) was the place where the initial teachings and socialisation of Maori culture took place and provided an environment within which certain roles, responsibilities and obligations were maintained (Rangihau, 1981). The hapu (a collection of whanau groups) formed a social partnership between whanau leaders. The iwi was made up of the

collective of hapu. At the iwi level, broader political strategies were debated, geographical territories were determined and conflicts were resolved.

The interrelationship between the land and the people, the environment and the culture, spirituality and customs were essential parts in a collective whole, each inextricably intertwined (Walker, 1989). These early social and political systems ensured the continuity of Maori culture from generation to generation and

language, histories, and culture, strengthened by their sense of identity to their whanau, hapu and iwi.

Brief Overview of the Aotearoa/New Zealand colonial context

The first Europeans known to reach New Zealand were the crew of Dutch explorer Abel Tasman who sailed parts of the coastline in 1642 but did not make landfall. Captain James Cook, a British explorer, visited New Zealand in 1769 and returned on subsequent voyages. From the late 18th century the country was regularly visited by explorers and other sailors, traders and adventurers. Their crews traded European goods, including guns and metal tools in exchange for food, water, wood and flax. Missionaries also arrived around the same time bringing Christianity. These early visitors came mainly from Britain, America and France. The visitors saw the potential to develop a colonial outpost which led to gaining access to and control of the new lands (Belich, 2001; Walker, 1990; Spoonley, 1988). The path toward colonisation that followed the random contact of the late 18th and early 19th centuries had the potential for conflict. The new immigrants in time required some type of governance and institutional structure in order to develop their societies. To achieve this, this meant change and

disruption, particularly for Maori societies.

A number of key factors were instrumental in creating change in New Zealand. Perhaps the most influential catalyst for change referred to was the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840. The background to the Treaty signing was shaped by activities in the preceding years of the early 1800s’ - when the impacts of war, disease, mixed with the accelerating influx of Europeans was the impetus that prompted Maori tribal leaders to change course from a secure traditional identity to forge strategic interactions with the new immigrant leaders. With the arrival of immigrants came diseases in the form of chicken pox, measles and influenza. These, and warfare, resulted in a dramatic decline of population. From a

population of about 150,000 in 1800 the Maori population had declined to nearly 42,000 by 1896 (M. Durie, 1998).

The introduction of the musket in the early 1800s altered Maori relationships dramatically resulting in devastating inter-tribal wars on a scale unknown to Maori until this time. Hongi Hika, a Chief from the Northern Ngapuhi tribe, acquired muskets from traders and used them to wage war on his rivals. Between 1818 and 1833 what became known as the Musket Wars resulted in many deaths amongst Maori (Walker, 1990).

Overwhelmed by the huge number of deaths amongst Maori mixed with the growing arrival of immigrants, Maori leaders saw the need to unify tribally under a national umbrella. Initially this move was to sow seeds of unity, while at the same time figuring out what to do about the immigrants. Simultaneously,

European countries were vying for control of New Zealand. Britain made moves to impose a colony on Aotearoa. In 1835, James Busby, the British Resident, was instructed by Britain to prepare the way for a formal Treaty with the Natives of New Zealand. Motivated by inhibiting the intrusion of any political power other than Britain, he convened a meeting at Waitangi of thirty-four chiefs from Northland down to the Hauraki Gulf to sign a declaration of confederation and independence (Walker, 1990). The document that was created at this meeting was known as the 1835 Declaration of Independence which also provided an important stimulus for the assertion of Maori rights and later efforts at self-determination amongst Maori (M. Durie, 1998).

Not only would the new nation join the international community as an independent state, but Nu Tirene (as New Zealand was described in the Declaration), was to be a state where Maori values, practices and

aspirations would determine future directions. Maori self-determination was securely bound to a collective Maori sovereignty (M. Durie, 1998, p. 3).

In the document, Maori declared New Zealand to be an independent State under the United Tribes of New Zealand which proclaimed their collective ownership, sovereign power and authority over their territory (Ritchie, 1992). For Maori, a sense of “Maoriness” had emerged as well as an opportunity to define themselves as different from other races (Orange, 1987).

By 1839, more Europeans had settled in New Zealand and the lawlessness of early settlers caused concern among Maori leaders (Belich, 2001; Orange, 1987). They resolved to enter into a constitutional agreement with the British Crown in the hope that the Crown would control the unruly behaviour of its citizen’s resident in Aotearoa (Orange, 1987). The vehicle was the Treaty of Waitangi which

proposed a constitutional relationship between the Crown and Maori, outlining duties and obligations of both parties. At Waitangi in 1840, Maori Chiefs and agents on behalf of the British Crown and Queen Victoria signed the Treaty of Waitangi. As written in Maori, the Treaty guaranteed Maori sovereignty and chieftainship over their lands, treasures, settlements and properties. However, this differed from the English version which created quite different expectations (NZ Ministry for Culture and Heritage, 2009). Both the Maori text and the English text can be found in Appendix 5. In brief, Maori believed that Maori authority had been recognised while the Crown insisted that a full and complete transfer of Maori sovereignty had occurred (M. Durie, 1994; Orange, 1987). Ambiguities in interpretation between the Maori and English language texts have caused much debate to the present day (Walker, 1989). The Treaty of Waitangi provided Britain with the necessary authority to develop a colonial territory as it applied to New Zealand (M. Durie, 1998).

European suzerainty over New Zealand began with a self-governing council in 1840 which later merged into a colonial style government in a mode used with other colonial entities within the expanding British Empire (Belich, 2001). Having been administered, through 1840 when the Treaty was signed, as a part of the Australian colony of New South Wales, New Zealand became a colony in its own right in 1841 (Orange, 1987). The New Zealand Constitution Act of 1852 established a central and provincial government. From the time of the first colonial government to the establishment of its first Parliament, British and Eurocentric views shaped the legislation and policies for New Zealand. Maori worldviews and Maori tribal leadership were excluded from playing an active part in the governance of their own country (M. Durie, 1998).

In due course, Pakeha developed a unique New Zealand society that evolved under the authority of the State (M. Durie, 1998; L.T. Smith, 1999; Walker,

1990). Maori values and traditions were displaced while the values and beliefs which underpinned the British system expanded setting the direction for society and State structures.

With systems of control also came an ideology of Pakeha attitudes, beliefs and practices that justified, normalised and legalized their place, privilege, resources and power, at the expense of Maori peoples. Pakeha increased their web of economic (shipping, trade, money, land purchase etc), political (parliament, military etc), institutional (laws, policies, education system, social welfare etc), social (classism, religion, racism, marriage etc) and cultural (beliefs, symbols, rules of behaviour, domination) structures. Economic expansion is a systematic process of control used to secure capital investments rooted in colonialism. As noted earlier by L.T. Smith (1999), interconnected with colonialism is

imperialism, a term used to describe actions that lead to economic expansion. To expand, more land was needed. Jesson (1992) infers that the Treaty of Waitangi was the first instrument in legitimising the establishment of the State to gain property rights over Maori land, thus establishing a capitalist economy. The explicit policies of the 19th century enabled Pakeha to purchase more lands systematically removing Maori from their tribal territories and systems of governance (Cheyne, O’Brien & Belgrave, 1997). War and the law were

instrumental in acquiring land; so were Crown purchases (Belich, 2001; M. Durie, 1998). From 1834 the Muriwhenua tribes, relinquished 204,785 hectares of which 60,705 hectares was acquired by the settlers before 1840, these transactions being subsequently confirmed by the Crown when it took over power (M. Durie, 1998). To speed up land sales, the Native Lands Act of 1862 was created in part to disable tribal ownership enabling individual Maori to sell and enabling purchasers to circumvent the Crown’s right to pre-emption. In 1893 the Native Land

Purchase and Acquisition Act enabled the Crown to declare any Maori land suitable for settlement. The 1900 Maori Lands Administration Act although reinstating the Crown’s pre-emption clause, launched a range of land policies that hastened land sales. Such methods resulted in the removal of Maori from their lands and ultimately de-stabled Maori societies and their ways of life.

Maori lands, was also acquired by military force. The New Zealand Wars, which began in 1843 and ended around 1872, were perceived as a series of discrete engagements (at least 15) each comprising a distinct time period, against distinct groups of Maori and allies, varying combinations of British Army, New Zealand Army Constabulary and other settler contingents (M. Durie, 1998). Underlying these engagements were issues of land and authority. For instance, the war in North Taranaki of 1860 commenced as a result of a controversial land sale related to the Pekapeka Block (now the present town of Waitara). In short, the

Government took advantage of a policy which accepted any offer of land from any individual Maori who wished to sell. A case in point is one Chief sold his lands to the Crown while other tribal leaders objected to the sale. Opposing Maori resisted by pulling up surveyor pegs. The Government took an aggressive

military stance and declared War upon those Maori. Although Maori put up a fierce defense, with the support of additional soldiers from Australia the New Zealand Army Constabulary triumphed.

Two further Acts namely the New Zealand Settlement Act and the suppression of Rebellion Act arose from the situation of this particular War (M. Durie, 1998). What these two Acts allowed for was for Maori to be punished for being rebellious and the penalty was confiscation of their lands. Using such Acts as justifications, further land confiscations in the Waikato and Bay of Plenty tribes followed. In total over 3 million acres of Maori lands was confiscated, in this particular case, 1.2 million acres of Taranaki land was confiscated along with the Pekapeka Block. In total it is estimated that 10 million acres of land was lost between the periods of 1865 and 1875 (M. Durie, 1998).

The main reason that I have outlaid the details of land confiscation is to keep issues of land to the forefront even though they are over 150 years old and may be considered by some to be about the “past”. L.T. Smith (1999) argues that

revisiting history is a significant part of decolonisation. This is important she states, because there is unfinished business; we are still being colonised and we are still searching for justice (L.T. Smith, 1999, p. 34). My own tribe, Ngati Awa, had their lands confiscated in 1866 by the Governor based on the grounds of war and rebellion. It was alleged that they were co-conspirators with a group

responsible for the murder of an officer of the Crown. To further punish Ngati Awa, 37 of their people (mainly Chiefs and Leaders) were incarcerated in a prison in Auckland. Many died there, a few found their way home (Moko-Mead, 2003). This action devastated communities and undermined the leadership. The people who remained made several attempts to the Government to return their lands. My great great grandfather, Tamati Waaka, wrote a letter to the Government asking them to spare the Ngati Awa people and to return their lands. His son (my great grandfather), Te Wiremu Waaka, also wrote a letter to the Government asking for the return of the lands. Both were concerned for the wellbeing of Ngati Awa and for the survival of the future generations. These might be considered small forms of resistance. None-the-less, it demonstrates that they were searching for justice. Through the Ngati Awa Land Claim, their truth, history and impacts of their peoples by land confiscation was able to be affirmed. It took until 2003 for the Government to recognise Ngati Awa’s innocence and compensate them for their loss. My main point here is that Maori peoples kept on airing their concerns and grievances with the Government over land grievances. This is the major source of resistance and self-determination. Land ownership and land claims are still a point of contention between the Government and Maori tribes.

The purpose of this section is to provide a background of pre-colonial and colonial aspects of the Aotearoa/New Zealand context. It is clear that Maori peoples were the First Peoples before the arrival of Europeans to Aotearoa. They had

established a long history in Aotearoa prior to European arrival. As stated previously, Maori culture, spirituality and politics emanated from their connections with the land. During the colonising process, Maori were

disconnected from their lands in many cases forcibly and/or via deception. The main purpose of the colonies was to establish law and order and subsequently take control. From the 1890s the New Zealand parliament enacted a number of

aggressive and assimilative initiatives that impacted Maori peoples. As the focus of my research is on education and as counselling and social work is concerned with health and wellbeing, I have focused on those Acts that negated education and health. These are reported in the next section.

Impact of Assimilative Legislation on Maori education and health