Gráfica 3.2 De acciones a pesos
3.2 PAFT, COORDINACIÓN ENTRE FECHA DE SOLICITUD Y RETIRO DE RECURSOS
brought to this growing area of research.
2.2 Studying markets
Using the work of the Market Studies group of academics, the roles and abilities of things, as well as people, within marketing practice are shown as active in the forming and shaping of a market. This section starts to explore how the activities undertaken in the site or context of a market have effects, in particular in bringing about the marketisation of a new area of society which can in turn attempt to include and configure societal concerns and
controversies.
Market Studies is the scholarly attention given to a study of the macro or societal level systems or ‘efforts’ which configure markets, and it takes an interdisciplinary influence from a wide set of theories, including science, economics, psychology and sociology, to identify what or who can structure and shape a market (Araujo, 2007; Geiger et al., 2014). In Market Studies a market is conceptualised as a system of organising that exists, evolves and is maintained by the ‘collective achievements’ (Roscoe, 2015 p. 198) of things as well as people through a focus on practices, processes and the actors who undertake activities which can bring a market into being (ibid). Within the Market Studies community, scholars have examined the agency or action of
different elements and their roles in the organising of a market (Callon, 2007, 2015; Mele et al., 2015). Some Market Studies scholars employ a sociomaterial perspective of performativity, studying a range of market actors, including those providing and using a service or product, as well as other actors such as regulatory bodies (Neyland and Simakova, 2012). Emphasising a sociomaterial approach Market Studies proposes attention is given not to what is readily observable or recognised as ‘a fully-‐formed market’ but the process and practices behind the enactment and evolution of what may become a market (Callon, 1998).
The association and inclusion of the academic study of marketing within Market Studies, and the ‘reconnection of marketing to markets’ (Araujo et al., 2010), is widely considered to have emerged from the combined insights of a group of scholars who were concerned with both the separation of marketing from markets, what they saw as an increasing focus of the academic study of marketing on consumers, and the parting of marketing theory from marketing practice or the activities carried out by marketing practitioners (ibid). These areas were discussed in some detail by Araujo and Kjellberg (2009) and
provided a backdrop to the interest in rejoining marketing to markets, in part to redress the lack of connection to ‘the market’ in the field of marketing, which Araujo and Kjellberg believed had been largely obscured and neglected in both marketing theory and marketing practice. Here Araujo and Kjellberg argued that popular classifications, such as the most recent definition by the CIM (The Chartered Institute of Marketing), who advertise themselves as the
largest international professional body of marketers and describe marketing as
‘The management process responsible for identifying, anticipating and satisfying customer requirements profitably’ (CIM, 2017), routinely exclude a consideration of a wider context in which marketing activities are carried out.
Thus, drawing on the early discussion of performativity what Market Studies facilitates is deeper appreciation of the conditions in which marketing is carried out, and, furthermore, that marketing is a sociomaterial practice.
Market Studies offered a move away from marketing thinking, described as
‘techniques to regulate exchange’ (Araujo and Kjellberg, 2009 p.196-‐197), to
‘market-‐ing’ (p. 197), which encapsulated an understanding of the practice of marketing (ibid). As such, Araujo and Kjellberg (2009) adopted a practice-‐
based approach to advance the study of marketing, also described as the performativity programme, which aimed to combine marketing, economic sociology and social studies of science literature together in ‘Market Studies’.
Key within this strand of literature was a common understanding of markets as the institution and marketing as one of the processes with an important
contribution which needed to be examined. The importance of markets and understanding the processes and practices which influence the emergence, maintenance and evolution was highlighted in a special issue of ‘Consumption Markets & Culture’ which Geiger, Kjellberg and Spencer (2012) introduced by explaining that Market Studies was ‘based on an understanding of markets not as given but as ongoing socio-‐technical enactments worthy of social scientific attention’ (p. 134). The key concepts of Market Studies were outlined as firstly,
that markets have multiple versions which are influenced and shaped by market practices; secondly that market actors organise processes and shape markets which in turn shape market practices; and finally that markets are continually changing and adapting. This explanation offers a clear direction for Market Studies centred around the importance of practices, the market
shaping process, and the ability of markets to change to meet needs.
Importantly what has emerged from the work of the Market Studies community is the suggestion that that the market cannot be considered a neutral concept, and markets are brought into being and continually evolve because of the activities of many different actors.
In summary, what can be offered from the Market Studies approach is a contribution to the academic study of marketing through the attention to the complex entanglement which enacts a market. Market Studies provides context and generates insights into the varying knowledge, interests and at times
values of the actors who together can bring a market into being (Araujo, 2007).
In particular this process may be seen as a market emerges or in the process of marketisation of a sector or an area of society.
2.2.1 Marketisation
Examining how markets emerge, the process of marketisation, Callon (2015) described this as thinking about the architecture of markets and the means of outlining the distinct elements of a market. Similarly, Calışkan and Callon (2010) described the process of marketisation as ‘the entirety of efforts aimed at describing, analysing and making intelligible the shape, constitution and
dynamics of a market socio-‐technical arrangement’ (p. 3). What emerges in marketisation, and has particular relevance in this study, is an opportunity to appreciate the mechanisms at work, recognising materiality as well as the human role, both of which may be less identifiable in processes where markets are already to some degree considered as ‘established’. Showing the spread of marketisation in contemporary western society into further aspects of life such as health and welfare, which have previously been considered resistant to marketisation, provides a context for a detailed examination of the roles and activities of different market actors.
Thus, marketisation showcases the activities of different market actors
revealing their activities in influencing or directing how a market forms which may be different to what is undertaken by the same actors once a market is established and being maintained. Whilst making the ‘struggles‘ and
negotiations involved in the marketisation of a sector clear, Callon (2015) saw the disentangling, but also the process responsible for identifying, different market elements emerging. In marketisation an opportunity exists to observe
the actors as well as their practices as they qualify what is of worth or of value in, a market. Supporting Callon’s suggestion through their study of the
everyday work involved in marketisation Mason, et al. (2017b) highlighted the importance of understanding that in marketisation productive work takes place continually to ‘constitute, innovate and reconfigure market systems’ (p.
2). Described as ‘when markets and market logic have diffused into spheres of life’ (Aspers, 2011, p. 580) marketisation is where, via adoption and adaptation of market-‐based logic, through market processes areas become subjected to new or different market-‐based values. Importantly, marketisation reveals an assumption or underpinning rationale that in contemporary society a market infrastructure is widely viewed as the most efficient mechanism of organising (Araujo and Pels, 2015). For example, discussing the recent reforms to the National Health Service (NHS) in England, Sturgeon (2014) suggested that, because of both the neo-‐liberal policies and current approach to the public funding of healthcare, the NHS had become involved in what he regarded as the business-‐like activities of competing for resources alongside other
healthcare providers whilst striving to provide a service ‘valued’ by service users. Consequently, Sturgeon detailed the marketisation of this sector seeing service users in healthcare compared to consumers in other markets.
Within the study of markets, and most recently in the controversy of marketisation in particular, ‘concern’ has been used to provide some
understanding as to how and why markets have spread into areas that were once considered as immune from markets.
2.2.2 Concerned markets
The suggestion in marketisation of who and what can influence the forming and shaping of a market has become of particular interest to scholars who have sought a way to understand the ‘intricate connections between social,
scientific, political and economic issues’ (Geiger et al., 2014 p. 3). A key body of work in this area has formed around the conceptualisation of ‘Concerned Markets’ (Geiger et al., 2014) where the idea of ‘concern’ in market forming and shaping has been described as the examination of reorganising, changing relations, processes of justification and the evoking of different ideas of worth in the study of markets (p. 5-‐8). Importantly, these ideas of ‘concern’ have enabled the study of markets to move into considering the organising of areas of society which deal with core collective concerns and social problems, as opposed to the processes associated with exchange of goods and services for profit. For example, D’Antone et al. (2017) discussed a role for concern to play in what can ‘animate’ (p. 67) or move a sector. ‘Concern’ is an explanation for what mobilises in markets, in particular in situations with tensions,
controversies and conflicting practices (p. 86-‐69). Here ‘concern’ is the catalyst but also the route for the integration of diverse interests stimulating the
processes of marketisation. Specifically, developing the ‘marketisation of concerns’ (p. 77), D’Antone et al. advance the understanding of how different principles and values are integrated and accommodated in market spaces, an illustration which is particular useful in this study where several contradictory values surfaced.
‘Concern’ in Market Studies has introduced multiple values and expanded the economic basis of valuation, in particular of the market object or the central focus of what was of worth or value in a market, thus facilitating the theorising of non-‐economic ideals. Whilst work by Callon and Muniesa (2005) and
Calışkan and Callon (2009, 2010) had focused on the processes in Market Studies of economisation or the acts and practices of quantification and valuation which explain economic forms of life, concern introduced the possibility to broaden the study of markets giving opportunities to consider and express diverging economic, social, environmental and political interests.
Returning to the work of D’Antone et al. (2017), this study showed how
environmental and social principles entwined with economic values in the cell phone market. Consequently what emerges from the ideas of concerned
markets is how areas of life which had not previously been considered either as organised in markets or through the modalities of economisation become included in market structures. It is through concern that an explanation of how previous expressions of social or humanitarian concern, in areas such as
education, health or the environment, have become restated to incorporate financial or economic principles.
The ideas of concerned markets can be said to have moved the study of markets beyond an exchange based solely on what has been outlined as a monetary value of a product or service and into areas of society where a market object or central focus of a market is less clearly defined and more difficult to understand. This has relevance not only for understanding the configuration of
markets in areas of society which were once considered beyond the reach of markets but also in a growing body of academic work which considers Bottom of the Pyramid (BoP) markets in which the consumers are living on less than US$2 a day (Mason et al., 2017a). In a recent special issue of ‘Marketing Theory’, the work of Geiger et al. (2014) on concerned markets was used to further the understanding in BoP markets in areas at the centre of the lives of the very poor and in particular to consider how marketisation was affecting very vulnerable populations (Mason et al., 2017a). In this thesis where economic principles form only one of many conflicting principles around the care of the terminally ill ‘concern’ will be shown to be important as this sector is emerging,
Having established the importance of the study of markets within this thesis the next section details actions which are undertaken and the market systems which they enact as this chapter moves forward towards considering the micro practices involved in shaping and forming markets.
2.3 Configuring a market
In the study of markets, Callon (1998) used the concept of ‘framing’; the operation of defining distinct elements, for example the subjects and objects within a market, to clarify and explain the distributed actions involved in bringing a market into being. Callon employed framing as the process which produced the ‘spaces of calculability’ (p. 20) or of how new markets