Practica: Circuitos de Deflexión y Alto voltaje

Living in a rapidly changing world with transformations in social structure, people are confronted with many challenges to their traditional values, attitudes and how they view the world. Rozman (1990) claimed, that:

‘East Asia is not as Confucian as it was 150 years ago ...’ (p. 13).

And he comes close to saying that the concept of Confucianism does not apply to modern conditions. Obviously, traditional Confucian values have influenced East Asia, yet he argued South Korea is no longer a traditional Confucian society and the term chosen to characterize modern conditions is capitalism, not Confucianism. Then, how can it be said that Confucian values exist in a modern society?

Lee (1998) argues that moderisation may have produced variations in the behaviour of Koreans, yet the mode of modern behaviour exists side by side with strong traditional values. Also although economic development is associated with shifts away from

absolute norms, the broad cultural heritage of a society, and values that are imprinted, endure despite modernization (Inglehart & Baker, 2000). Confucianism retains a strong influence in Korea today.

Rozman (1999) argued, there is no term better than 'Confucianism' for describing:

‘... family patterns, educational practices, attitudes toward the state, and other patterns found throughout East Asia’ (p. 13).

81 Confucianism has also been criticised as a hindrance and an obstruction to change due to the emphasis on relationship structures, especially the obedience and subordination of inferiors to the authority of superiors. Others, though, have argued that aspects of Confucian behaviour and attitudes have actually contributed to modernization such as high-achievement motivation, high value placed on education, personal sacrifice for sake of the group and especially the family (Lee, 1998).

It was Tu (1996) who claimed Confucian values of the common benefit and hard work without immediate reward contributed to Korea's rapid recovery from the 2009 financial crisis. In 2010, the country grew its economy by six per cent while most of the developed world remained stable or saw negative growth. Confucian values may not be a part of a conscious belief system, but it is:

‘deeply embedded in modes of daily life’ (Rozman, 1990; p. 13)

Thus, Confucian values are subconscious and Confucianism is more a mode of thought, not a set of rules and commands that exists in modern Korean society. Therefore, Confucianism impacts Korean lifestyles today. More specifically,

Confucianism emphasizes the importance of education, ancestor worship, relationships, and organizational hierarchies.

There is not much literature that describes the contemporary education system and the effects of Confucianism. However, according to Lee (2001), the contemporary education system demonstrates a Confucian style hierarchical body. He explained that there is little discourse between the staff of the school institutions regarding policy or important matters, and the head requires staff devotion. The seating arrangements in

82 faculty meeting reflect status based on rank, age and gender which reflect the hierarchical relation between superiors and subordinate. In addition, respectful honorific language is used to senior members regardless of age and gender. These concepts are argued to demonstrate a Confucian style hierarchical relationship in the education system.

The focus on education and self-cultivation within the Confucian tradition as a means for improving both individual and family position in society encouraged the expansion of mass education. However, the motivation to pursue education as a means to wealth, social mobility and status are not Confucian moral values. For wealth, mobility and status are not Confucian virtues. However, there are instrumental Confucian values associated with the pursuit of education. For wealth, filial piety required the acquisition of wealth and status for the benefit of one's family. Since education was a means to securing these benefits, it was a valuable instrument to satisfying one's filial obligations. And since satisfying one's filial obligations is a genuine Confucian moral virtue, piety was both a moral value and a practical motive to pursue an education.

Further, family is regarded a high Confucian value which stresses the importance of father-son relationship and the defining the role of the family. In the past, Confucianism regarded the eldest son as most valuable as they would continue the family line. Schwarz et al (2006) argued that:

‘One of the prime responsibilities of a husband is to have a son who can continue the family line. The other main responsibility is to educate the son so that he will carry on the family name and represent the family’ (p. 317).

83 Traces of the role of the eldest son still remain in Korea today and still represent the family and can bring great pride to their parents. However, any child, a boy or a girl, can carry on the family line; the necessity of having a son is slowly dying away.

Nevertheless, the Confucian value remains of parents as self-sacrificing and devoted to ensuring their child’s well-being. In return, the children study hard and attempt to become successful in order to take care of their parents. However, Korean children still uphold their duty to care for their elders, but it seems to a lesser extent than formerly. Schwarz et al (2006) argued:

‘two important features of the socialization practice still remain: parental devotion and indulgence’ (p. 318).

Some studies have showed that the influence of traditional values was less strong among Koreans, who were younger, female and in greater contact with western ideas both in Korea and in North America. Younger Koreans, socialized to meet the changing demands of industrialized Korea and America, endorse traditional values less strongly than older Koreans. This age effect on values appears to be similar across Asian societies that are undergoing sociocultural changes. This has also been reported in Japan and in India, where young people expressed more individualist and less collectivist values compared to the older people (Yamaguchi, 1994 and Mishra, 1994 cited in Hyun, 2010).

Lee, K. (1998) suggested that the mixtures of traditional and modern modes of behaviour reflect conflicts at the level of ideology and values as well (p. 249). Sohn (2006) argued that honorifics that once were employed as markers of social rank are now being used more for differentiating formality and less for social hierarchy. For instance,

84 depending on the situation, a younger person may refer to an older or mature person (not close acquaintance) as 선생님 /seonsaengnim (means respected teacher) regardless of job position or status. Another example, people may catch the attention of a waitress at a restaurant by calling out ‘here’, or 언니/onni(means older sister) when serving you. Usually, an older female is referred to as 아줌마/ajuma (meaning married and older). However, recently, customers have been referring to most females (old and young, married and single) working in restaurant and cafes as onni. Lee, K. (1998) referring to his study of younger generation members of rural communities, showed they did not use the traditional honorific form of speech directed towards elders that once was required and was maintained by social sanctions.

Moreover, Kim-Renaud (1991) has suggested that:

‘in close-knit families, younger members often address older relatives with ‘pan mal’ and that this practice is usually interpreted as a manifestation of affection and a bond between family members, rather than as a lack of respect’ cited in Sohn (2006, p. 135).

‘Pan mal’ is the Korean term for casual or informal speech. The pan mal form is chosen intentionally by the speaker to avoid specifying an attitude on his/her power relationship towards the addressee.

However, despite the decrease in usage of formal traditional language in current Korean society, the referent honorifics for age and rank still strongly exist and the strong influence of the traditional Confucianism values can be seen in the modern society. Hyun’s (2010) study showed that traditional values still persisted even with exposure to

85 western media and cultural practices. His comparative study of 158 Korean immigrants in Detroit and 209 Koreans in Seoul illustrated that despite the large number of years that they had spent in Detroit, and their great exposure to western ideas and practices, the average Detroit Korean was as traditional in value as the average Korean respondent in Seoul.

Inglehart and Baker’s (2000) study illustrated that although economic development is linked with systematic cultural changes there is also evidence of the persistence of distinctive cultural traditions. This study used data from World Values Surveys which investigated attitudes, values and beliefs around the world from 1995-1998 (World Values Survey). Inglehart and Baker argued:

‘Cultural change seems to be path dependent. Economic development tends to bring pervasive cultural changes, but the fact that a society was historically shaped by Protestantism or Confucianism or Islam leaves a cultural heritage with enduring effects that includes subsequent development’ (p. 49).

Therefore, even in a changing world, Confucian still has a profound influence and remains a part of Korean lifestyle, roles and traditions.

2.4 Overview.

This section has provided relevant background information to the current Korean education system. The historical evolution of the education system helps to show various changes and development based on economic and environmental changes. This section has also clarified the different religious beliefs and their impact on Korean society.

86 Buddhism and Christianity are believed and understood as a pure religion; Confucianism by contrast is more of a moral philosophy rather than a religion.

Further, economic development was seen to bring about change and variation in the behaviour of Korean society. Especially among the younger generation with the increased use of pan mal (informal language), however, the mode of modern behaviour existed side by side with distinctive cultural traditions which are embedded in the society. As strong traditional values are still held and continue to affect the Korean population, this

background information aims to enhance the interpretation and understanding of the study.

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Chapter 3: Teaching and learning approaches.

3.0 Introduction.

This chapter explores relevant literature regarding cultural differences in teaching and learning approaches. Chan (2010) argued:

‘…no learner is culture free, and …. it is the belief that learners hold that cannot be separated from the specific culture in which they grow up’ (p. 62).

Thus, learning style is claimed to be one of the bases of cultural difference which has developed as a result of our life experiences and learning environment (Stigler and

Hiebert, 1999). Learning style aims to account for individual differences according to the manner in which the learner processes information from their environment, and this may be a consistent way of responding to use of stimuli in the context of learning. It is thus imperative that students’ cultural beliefs and values be considered in any research that examines learning.

The following section explores a range of literature on teaching and learning

approaches that has been derived either from a stereotypical view or from taking cultural conditions into consideration. Particularly, where it is possible, the national context is regarded when reporting on the literature.

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3.1 Asian learning styles.