PROCEDIMIENTO PARA GESTIÓN DE RESIDUOS SÓLIDOS

The Prince Consort laid the first stone of Colney H atch Asylum, later to become St Friern Hospital, in May 1849 at Friern Bamet. A n Italian style structure w ith stone decorations, it adm itted its first patients in July 1851, as the second pauper lunatic asylum for the County of Middlesex, built to cope w ith the overflows of the pauper insane.^" The first, now St Bernard's Hospital, had opened in Hanwell in 1831. W hen Colney Hatch opened in 1851 it was considered to be the most m odem in Europe. Erected at a cost of around £400 000 it was intended to hold up to 2000 patients. The principle north-facing front was nearly 200 feet long, flanked on either side by a

G eo rg e S av ag e , 1886, p i 9 G eo rg e S av ag e , 1886 G eo rg e S av ag e , 1886, p20 G eo rg e S av ag e , 1886, p20 40 S e e P e te r Ackroyd, 2000, p p 6 18-23

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ventilating tower. In the centre was a chapel w ith an oblong chamber that could hold 600 people. The land also contained residences for the officers, farm buildings, a laundry, gas and w ater works, a workshop, yards and lodges. Including the kitchen garden and burial ground the establishment's land stretched to about 119 acres.*"

H owever, by the 1860s the asylum was falling out of favour. According to the

Commissioners in Lunacy's 16'^ A nnual Report, by 1862 several of the w ards in the old blocks w ere dark and gloomy and the w ards were mostly 'comfortless'; and on the w ards there was no comfortable or ordinary domestic furniture to be found.**" For M ortimor Granville, w ho w rote about the asylum in the 1870s, Colney H atch w as a "colossal mistake": it combined and illustrated more faults in construction and errors of arrangem ent "than m ight have been supposed possible in a single effort of bew ildered or m isdirected ingenuity [...] the w ards are long, narrow , gloomy and comfortless."^^ On the creation of the County of London in 1889 Colney H atch Asylum was transferred from the control of the Middlesex, to the London County Council. Although based in N ew Southgate it rem ained geographically w ithin the adm inistrative county of Middlesex.'*'' Following the provisions of the 1888 Local Government Act, Colney H atch became exclusively dedicated to the treatm ent of pauper lunatics w ho were charged to parishes in the county of London.

Three out of four of the w om en whose cases are described below, were patients in this hospital. They were identified through the albums of the photographs taken of female patients in the hospital between 1893 and 1920.'*^ These photographs became the starting point for building biographies of these women. The images taken of the patients included their surnames and initials, and in some circumstances the date they were adm itted, and their admission number. With this information it w as possible to look for the w om en's medical records in the hospital's case books for female patients. These in turn were a source of further information and a tool for tracing an historical geography, even if a somewhat fragmented one, of these w om en's lives.

■*' http://w w w .w orkhouses.co.uk/asylum s3.htm Andrew Scull, 1979

Mortimer Granville, for the Lancet, 1877, quoted in Andrew Scull, 1979, p i 95 LMA H12/CH (Introduction)

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5.4 T h e case of S u sa n H ayes

It transpired that the 'Woman Unknown', found by one of Bartow's police constables on IS'*" December 1891, was a black woman called Susan Hayes, a 29 year old Roman Catholic widow, who lived in Marylebone (see figure 5.1). The name and address of any relatives was not known, and there is no mention of her having any relations in

any of her papers, nor of

i

F ig u r e 5.1 S u s a n H a y e s 1899

L M A H 1 2 / C H / B 1 8 / 1 18 93 - 18 99 p 2 7 8 , c / o L M A

anyone ever visiting or

enquiring about her. The day after she had been picked up by Bartow's police constable she was recorded in the list of

'Lunatics Admitted into

Workhouse' at Marylebone.'*^ The register notes that she was transferred to Hoxton House

on 23'‘* December 1891.'*^

Although there was a section in the register for 'rem arks' none were made about her colour. In fact her notes are identical to Maria Back who was also of 'unsound mind', transferred to Hoxton House on the same

day.-"

Under the Lunacy Acts of 1890 and 1891, very particular meanings were attached to phrases such as 'w andering', and these had specific repercussions for the people involved.*^ To be found 'w andering at large', like Susan, was to be "wandering aimlessly without any definite ideas to destination."'^” When a person, pauper or not, was found 'wandering at large' within the district or parish of a constable, and, as in Susan's case, was deemed a lunatic, that

LMA ST/M/BG/141/02 LMA ST/M/BG/141/02 '■" LMA ST/M/BG/141/02 A W ood Renton. 1897 " ’ A W ood Renton. 1897 130

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p e rso n h a d to be taken before a Justice of the Peace im m ediately. A Justice c o u ld then, w ith the collaboration and certification of a M edical Officer, com m it the p e rs o n to an institution."' This p ro ce d u re w as altered in em ergencies w h e n a constable h a d the s u m m a ry p o w e r to d e ta in lunatics w ho w ere p a u p e rs or d e e m e d to be w a n d e rin g at large w ith in their d istrict or parish. These p o w ers allo w ed the police a u th o ritie s to av o id n o tifying the Justice im m ediately, and instead sen d th em to a w o rk h o u se . H ere they co u ld be h eld for u p to three days, d u rin g w h ich tim e p ro ce e d in g s to obtain a

S u m m ary R eception O rd e r h a d to be u n d ertak en ."' O n th e 21" D ecem ber 1891 an 'O rd e r of the R elieving O fficer for the R eception of a L unatic into a W o rk h o u se ' w as filled o u t for Susan H ay es.” It sta te d th a t Susan H ay es of 6 T ucker Place, (p e rh a p s 5, the n u m b e r has been changed, it seem s, from 5 to 6), w as n o t u n d e r p ro p e r care or control, nor w as she a p au p er. But she had been deem ed a lunatic, fu rth e rm o re th e relieving officer w as satisfied th at it w as necessary for S u sa n 's w elfare th at she w a s placed 'u n d e r care an d c o n tro l'.” The w orkhouse w as thus req u ired to receive S u san H ayes for three days, unless otherw ise ordered, (see figure 5.2).

Figure 5.2

I lig lilig h tin g the lucutiun o f (left to right) John Street, M o ly n e u x Street and N o r t h u m b e r la n d street. The Ro)'al Botanical G ard en s in R egen ts Park are at the top o f the picture.

Take n fr om The A - Z o f Victorinii Loudon, 1987

In S u sa n 's adm ission p ap ers to the w o rk h o u se one section w a s d e v o te d to 'Facts specified in M edical C ertificate upo n w hich opinion of Insanity is fo u n d e d '. This itself

'' Daniel Charnier, 1892, p23 Daniel Charnier, 1892. p24, 25 LMA ST/M/BG/134/04 LMA ST/M/BG/134/04

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w as divided into two parts. The first was for Tacts indicating Insanity observed by

M edical M an'. He noted that during his examination Susan 'could not fix her

attention', and that she did not know where she was or her name, and that she ram bled incoherently and understood nothing. He also added that she had "delusions as to property and furniture."^^ It is not clear how the authorities discovered w ho Susan w as if she did not know herself - perhaps someone else identified her. She may have been well know n w ithin her local community, perhaps for being eccentric. One w om an w ho did know her was Lousia Tucker, and her evidence w as recorded on Susan's adm ission papers.

The second section on the form made room for 'O ther facts indicating Insanity, com m unicated to him by others'. This is w here the evidence given by Louisa Goodyer

is noted. Mrs Louisa Goodyer of 5 Tucker Place, Marylebone, a w idow and a

charw om an, stated that Susan had declared that she w ould "cut the throats of all in the house", and that she also got "very excited" and w ould alternately laugh and cry.^^ Thus Mrs Goodyer became complicit in this system of medical and community consultation. There were no details about how Mrs Goodyer knew Susan, or how she become such an im portant part of her life.

According to the census of April 1891 tw^o families occupied 5 Tucker Place. Joseph Jennings lived there w ith his wife and six children, as well as Louisa Goodyer w ho was the head of her household. She lived w ith her tw o daughters, her son and tw o grandchildren.^^ Susan is not listed as living at 5 Tucker Place, or at any other num ber on that street. Neither is she listed as a patient at Hoxton House at this point, nor is she recorded as an inmate at Marylebone workhouse. In her medical records Susan's 'previous occupation' is given as a 'w asherw om an' and this w ould have been similar w ork to that of m ost of the women w ho lived on Tucker Street. Most of the men were general labourers, builders, and bricklayers although a gilder and a gardener w ere also living there - almost all the women on the street were char- or washer-women.^®

Susan's form of disorder was described as 'chronic mania'. The attack that had struck her and led her through the doors to Colney Hatch onto W ards 27 and 28, had lasted five days. In his book Savage described the characteristics of various forms of insanity

-'5 LMA H12/CH/B/11/34 LM AH12/CH/B/11/34 FRO 1891 RG 12/103 140-3 FRO 1891 RG 12/103 140-3

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using his patients at Bethlem as case studies. According to Savage a patient w ith a case of chronic m ania w ould suffer from delusions, incoherence, violence, coarse language and express little interest in the outside world. However, Savage estim ated that half of all the w ork done in county asylums throughout the country was done by patients w ho w ere classed as having chronic mania, implying that although these people were institutionalised they were still able.

Susan w as one of five w om en to be transferred to Colney H atch from Hoxton H ouse on 15“" February 1892. H er admission records at Colney Hatch are the first to note her

"racial' make-up. Following the comment on her physical wellbeing comes the

statem ent that Susan was mixed-race, em bedded in a continuation of her physical description, rather than being recorded as a separate form of identification: "The patient is half negro and very s t o u t " T h e same doctor labelled her lazy because she refused to w ork and "only laughed".^' Her refusal to w ork may have been Susan's w ay of subverting treatment. Until the second half of the nineteenth century treatm ent in London asylums had relied upon mechanical restraints. Following an inquiry into these methods, a supposedly more sympathetic regime of treatm ent was introduced, this included giving patients jobs or occupations.*'

As we have seen, the doctor w ho initially examined Susan at Colney H atch felt she could not concentrate, and that she did not know w ho or w here she w as, both in space

and time. Furtherm ore she rambled incoherently, understood nothing, and had

delusions relating to property and furniture. The next entry for her medical notes implies that she rem ained in much the same state, although she appears to have started to struggle w ith staff and become "violent".*^ By late February she h ad started to try and bite the nurses, perhaps another way of expressing her attem pt to retain pow er over her body. By M arch this defensiveness was being labelled as "spitefulness"; in April she was considered to be "not so spiteful", though it was noted that "she never works.

In June her doctor recorded that her mental health had not im proved, and that she could become very excitable. On the last day of November, the first of a series of

G eo rg e S av ag e , 1886 LM AH12/CH/B/11/34 LM AH12/CH/B/11/34 S e e P ete r Ackroyd, 2000, pp618-23 LMA H12/GH/B/11/34 LM AH12/CH/B/11/34

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using his patients at Bethlem as case studies. According to Savage a patient w ith a case of chronic mania w ould suffer from delusions, incoherence, violence, coarse language an d express little interest in the outside world. However, Savage estim ated that half of all the w ork done in county asylums throughout the country was done by patients w ho w ere classed as having chronic mania, im plying that although these people w ere institutionalised they were still able.^’

Susan was one of five w om en to be transferred to Colney H atch from H oxton H ouse on 15"’ February 1892. H er admission records at Colney H atch are the first to note her

'racial' make-up. Following the comment on her physical wellbeing comes the

statem ent that Susan was mixed-race, em bedded in a continuation of her physical description, rather than being recorded as a separate form of identification; "The patient is half negro and very stout".“ The same doctor labelled her lazy because she refused to w ork and "only laughed".^’ H er refusal to w ork may have been Susan's w ay of subverting treatment. Until the second half of the nineteenth century treatm ent in London asylums had relied upon mechanical restraints. Following an inquiry into these methods, a supposedly more sympathetic regime of treatm ent w as introduced, this included giving patients jobs or occupations.^'

As we have seen, the doctor w ho initially examined Susan at Colney Hatch felt she could not concentrate, and that she did not know w ho or w here she was, both in space

and time. Furthermore she rambled incoherently, understood nothing, and had

delusions relating to property and furniture. The next entry for her medical notes implies that she remained in m uch the same state, although she appears to have started to struggle w ith staff and become " v i o l e n t " B y late February she h ad started to try and bite the nurses, perhaps another way of expressing her attem pt to retain pow er over her body. By M arch this defensiveness was being labelled as "spitefulness"; in April she w as considered to be "not so spiteful", though it was noted that "she never works.

In June her doctor recorded that her mental health had not im proved, and that she could become very excitable. On the last day of November, the first of a series of

G eo rg e S av ag e , 1886 LM AH12/CH/B/11/34 LMA H12/CH/B/11/34 S e e P ete r Ackroyd, 2000, pp618-23 LMA H12/CH/B/11/34 64 LM AH12/CH/B/11/34

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continuation orders was signed/^ 'Reception O rders', unless continued, expired;

initially they rem ained in force for one year. If renew ed the subsequent order was valid for tw o years, then three years and after that successive periods of five years. A continuance required a special report of the medical officer or attendant, as well as a certificate to show that the patient was still of 'unsound m ind'.“ The continuation order confined Susan to the asylum, regardless of the fact that the hospital had not m anaged to induce an improvem ent in Susan's health. For this entry there w as a re­ affirmation of her illness as well as her ethnicity. The doctor's final prognosis w as that "this negress is excited incoherent and violent; unoccupied".

The next entry in her medical notes was not m ade until February 25“’ 1893, at this point