PROPUESTA DEL MANUAL DE CALIDAD Y MANUAL DE

Kampongs and/or their widespread disappearance from the Singaporean

residential landscape are represented in several English-language Singaporean novels published in the period under review. Yet there is scant published literary criticism that politically analyses these portrayals. This section newly considers, and politically interprets, portrayals of kampongs in Ricky Star (henceforth Ricky), Fistful of Colours (henceforth Fistful), and Heartland In addition, the study also identifies a possible allusive association to a kampong hut in Following The Wrong God Home (henceforth Following),

The study encompasses depictions of urban kampongs. Political sensitivities about the urban, crowded, low-lying settlements that formerly

mushroomed around the periphery of the city centre after the Second World War are evident in the divergent terms used to describe these areas. They are often called ‘squatter colonies’ and ‘squatter settlements’ in state discourses, as is shown below. Similarly, a variety of academics use these terms (e.g. Chua 1997a: 52; Hill and Lian 1995: 114). On the other side, the historian Loh Kah Seng (2007a and 2007b) refers to these ‘densely-built wooden housing’

settlements as urban kampongs. He argues that the term ‘squatter’ wrongly implies a lack of rights to reside on the land (see Loh 2007b: 7). Whether or not fictional portrayals of kampongs use the state’s terminology or not will later be identified in the texts.

in this section, portrayals of kampongs are considered in light of state discourses about the need for the clearance of urban kampongs and of some critiques of the kampongs’ demise. Drawing on this context, it is posited that diverse responses to the government’s resettlement strategy, and discourses that justified it, can be identified in the fiction. To facilitate this politico-historical approach, some

background to the government’s resettlement programme is outlined below.

The State’s Role in the Demise of Kampongs

By the 1990s, kampongs had largely disappeared from Singapore’s landscape (Chua 1995b: 240). The government’s resettlement of kampong dwellers was politically important and sensitive, and required clear communication. Loh (2007a: 23) comments that the ‘removal of the urban ... kampongs was integral to the self-belief of the PAP Government’.16 The British regime had tried and had not uncommonly failed to re-settle urban kampong dwellers particularly in the post-war period from 1947-1959 (Teh Cheang Wan 1975: 4; Loh 2008: 7-9).

Lee Kuan Yew (2000:120) recalls that, ‘there were enormous problems’ in resettling people in the early years, in part because of the low rents in ‘squatter settlement[s]’ (ibid. 118). Loh (2007a: 22) states that urban kampong dwellers were ‘frequently’ relocated against their will in the 1960s and 1970s but that it

16 For clarity, it should be noted that Loh (2007b: 8) refers to two types of kampong: urban settlements around the centre’s periphery and more rural communities.

was hard for them to mount sustained resistance to the policy as, after the1963 election, the PAP dissolved some organizations that campaigned on their behalf.17

The state promoted the resettlement programme by promoting the comforts of modern flats (Teo et al. 2004: 102) and emphasizing the squalor of urban kampongs (Loh 2007b: 6-8). Teo et al. (2004:102) note the HDB’s successful strategy of socializing people who lived in dwellings without modern facilities ‘into the idea of living in modern high-rise homes provided with modem sanitation, tap water supply and electricity’. Loh asserts that urban kampongs were represented by the government as dangerous and filthy: this is well- illustrated by the HDB’s statement (1967) that Kampong Bukit Ho Swee was as

‘an insanitary, congested and dangerous squatter area’.18

Loh infers that the state rhetoric about poor living conditions in the urban kampongs has had historical impact. He argues (2007b: 5) that, whereas rural kampongs or villages are considered with nostalgia in Singapore, ‘the urban kampong is largely forgotten in the historical memory. It is only recalled, vaguely, as a social blight to highlight the achievements of the institution which eradicated it, the Housing and Development Board (HDB).’ Indeed, it is notable that the secondary-school history book, Understanding Our Past (1999: 221), published by the Ministry of Education, displays a photograph of a dilapidated hut in a

‘squatter’ settlement.

17 Loh (2007a: 1) refers to organizations including the Rural Residents’ Association and the Singapore Country People’s Association.

18 Loh cites (2007b: 8) this quotation from Housing Development Board, Bukit Ho Swee Estate (1967: 39).

To facilitate the redevelopment of Singapore, the state purchased kampong land. In some instances this occurred after fires broke out on urban kampongs. Loh (2008: 18) states that the causes of kampong fires were commonly treated with suspicion by kampong dwellers,

As development projects increasingly encroached onto areas o f unauthorised wooden housing in the 1950s, kampong dwellers commonly considered fire as an act of arson committed by hostile landlords, the government, hired secret society hands, or simply a spiteful neighbour' (emphasis added).

The largest fire was the 1961 Bukit Ho Swee blaze, which made nearly 16,000 individuals homeless. Loh (2008: 19) details rumours of arson that were reported in the press, and cites Sin Chew Jit Poh’s conclusion that ‘there is every

possibility that the recent biggest fire was caused by some wicked elements’.19 HDB housing was built on the scorched land and within only nine months. Loh (ibid. 20) comments that the ‘rumours of arson have left an indelible imprint on the relationship between the government and the population’ and, quoting a controversial piece of commentary by Catherine Lim, states that government has

‘not created an “affective” relationship between the PAP and the citizenry’. In 1968, there was another fire in the residual area of the kampong. T.J.S. George (1984: 102) reports rumours of there having been ‘fires of convenience’.

Given this background to the demise of the kampongs, the thesis

suggests that fictional portrayals of these settlements, and even hut fires, can be open to political interpretation. As an example, it is suggested that portrayals of these settlements in Heartland and Ricky may be regarded as being largely

19 Loh cites the publication date as 14 June 1961.

supportive of the government’s policy; that Fistful presents varying perspectives and that a depicted fire in Following can be read as being possibly subversive.

Fire and Re-housing

Heartland is set in the mid 1990s and is renowned for its lyrical descriptions of the modern public housing that comprises the HDB heartland. One little-noted aspect of the novel is its brief, historical account of the aforementioned 1961 fire in Bukit Ho Swee, which destroyed much of Kampong Tiong Bahru. It is

suggested here that the passage indicates the need for re-housing and, overall, positively presents setting up home in HDB accommodation.

The protagonist’s mother (Madam Lee) was, in her youth, a ‘rescue volunteer’ during the historic 1961 fire. Notably, the kampong is only mentioned in connection with the disaster. At that time, Madam Lee ‘had been living in the attap hut squatter colony in Kampong Tiong Bahru with her family’ (52). The narrator states that, after the fire, Madam Lee moved with her parents to a new HDB estate in Macpherson and that ‘Life then seemed more idyllic, less stressful’

(52).

Acceptance with the government’s resettlement policy may be indicated through the account’s vocabulary, focus, and brevity.

Notably, the ‘squatter colony’ is primarily referred to in terms that resonate with state discourses.20 In the passage, kampong accommodation is introduced in the context of its destruction. No description of the family home is given and nor is any scene set in the abode; only the fire that destroyed a large part of the

settlement is represented. In this way, the kampong is effectively marginalized in the text. Once the then young Madam Lee is installed in new HDB

accommodation, there is no indication that she missed her former kampong abode. The provision of housing is conveyed in progressive terms.

Nevertheless, there are some ways in which the passage is less strident than some government discourses about urban kampongs. The text does not, to use Loh’s words, represent the kampong as a ‘social blight’. Nor does it portray a crowded, vice-ridden, or unsanitary environment. In addition, there are ways in which the account may be regarded as politically neutral. For instance, the passage recalls the 1961 fire, and also makes reference to a fire in 1968, without noting that the latter blaze took place in the same kampong. The fire is described but its cause is not considered.

Hence, Heartland marginalizes an urban kampong through a brief

description that focuses on the settlement’s destruction, in contrast, resettlement into public housing is referred to in progressive terms. In this way, the

20 See, for instance, the language used by the PAP MP Seah Mui Kok after the later 1968 fire in the kampong at Bukit Ho Swee. The Straits Times (25 November 1968, cited in The Emergence of Bukit Ho Swee Estate: From Desolation to Progress 1983: 82) reported that he ‘appealed to ail squatters and people living in other slum areas in Singapore to apply for Housing Board flats. He said: “This fire should be a lesson to them. The government’s offer of flats to them is still open and they should seize this opportunity before a fire breaks out in their squatter colony and causes them more hardship”’ (emphasis added).

government’s resettlement policy seems to be largely supported in the text, although there is no emphasis on deriding attap housing.

The Presentation of Kampong Life as Redundant

Whereas Heartland only mentions a kampong very briefly, in Ricky a kampong is more fully described. Although this latter text does not portray the resettlement of kampong dwellers, it can nonetheless be interpreted politically. The novel depicts kampong life as outmoded and as such may implicitly offer a rationale for the government’s resettlement strategy.

in the narrative, an orphan and bargirl-cum-prostitute called Fanny Chin is found murdered in her ‘shanty’ (103). Fanny is a minor character. Prior to the discovery of her body there is only one passing reference to her in absentia. This effectively creates an association between a marginalized, deceased character and a kampong dweller.

The late Singaporean woman’s kampong is described but is not

specifically located, making it almost illustrative. The settlement’s former rural character is indicated through its residents’ childhood recollections, which include the chasing of hermit crabs on the nearby seashore. However, the kampong is said to be:

acquiring an urban outlook, as the new concrete buildings crept close to it and the young talked of going modem. They liked to hear music loud and pulsating.

The kampong no longer brought peaceful solitude for the weary as it did so so many years ago. (102)

The changing environment and attitudes of younger residents implies that the rural kampong is a past phenomenon.

The settlement is portrayed as an anachronism through other descriptions of its fading attractions. The kampong’s long-standing multi-racial population is

‘on the whole a cohesive community’ who help each other (101). Although they faired better than city dwellers during the Japanese Occupation, that was ‘the situation nearly thirty years back. But the times had changed.’ (102). The narrative also indicates that safety in the kampong is less assured. A few years before, the headman effectively organized a vigilante force that policed the boundary during some riots to keep out dangerous outsiders. Yet a non-resident murders Fanny in her home. Furthermore, it is the police who solve the crime, this being a state organization rather than a community body of the kampong.

Hence, the text conveys the kampong as outmoded in several ways: by setting a character’s death in the settlement, by describing the modern transport and architecture encroaching into its space; and by showing the diminishing quality of life in the community. This infers that kampong life is not suited to modern life in Singapore. As the government posited public housing as modern

accommodation, there is the implication that kampong life was becoming redundant.

Mixed Responses to the Demise of Kampongs

Fistful is known for its colourful portrayal of Singaporean life through its ethnically diverse characters and their family histories. A little-noted aspect of this historical novel is its portrayal of kampong life in Geylang Serai prior to the Second World War. In this analysis it is argued that the multiple accounts of kampong life in the narrative and a brief reference to the passing away of the kampongs can each be interpreted politically. Considered as an ensemble, they present a mixed view on the demise of kampongs.

Descriptions of kampong life

The narrative is set in the 1980s and presents analeptic accounts of the

kampong through the residential family history of a Singaporean Malay character, Zul Hussein. His grandfather, Abdullah Rahman, and father, Haji Hussein, lived in the kampong. Accounts of their life there are voiced by Janice Wong, Zul’s Singaporean Chinese fiancee, and by Haji Hussein.

Janice describes the kampong in primarily squalid terms, whereas Haji Hussein represents it more naturalistically. In addition, Haji Hussein also gives an account of the kampong’s political organization. These accounts, it is argued here, have political significance.

Squalid yet natural depictions of the kampong environment

Rahman lived with his family in a kampong in old Geylang, within a maze of thatched huts, attap houses on stilts, and muddy lanes crisscrossed with rotting planks and coconut tree trunks. Straggly bushes and creepers hugged the shallow ditches o f frothy stagnant pools. Scrawny chickens scratched among the rubbish heap of discarded boxes, cartons and rusty tin cans, and ducks with bristly tails poked their beaks into the grey pools for slimy scraps of food.

Dirty little urchins, brown with the sun, crouched near the ditches, oblivious of the flies and filth, giggling and pointing to the thin curls of turd oozing out of their little brown bottoms! (152, emphasis added)

in this account by Jan, relayed to friends in 1980s Singapore, the seedy

description of the pre-war kampong Geylang Serai is surprising: overcrowding occurred in the kampong after the Second World War (Kenangan Abadi 1986:

25).21 Jan’s emphasis on filth and debris, in a period not highlighted for congestion, may indicate the character’s absorption of some of the PAP’s discourses about urban kampongs.

Haji Hussein’s journal highlights some aspects of the natural environment.

I can imagine a warm breeze rustling among the coconut palms and lallang grass. My father must have looked out at the kampong of attap houses on stilts, crowding along the bank o f the stream o f malodorous mud, meandering into Geylang River. This was home to him and our family (153-4, emphasis added).

The association between ‘home’ and the landscape of the Geylang River may infer Rahman’s sense of being nationally rooted to the natural landscape of Singapore. Singaporean readers would know that the landscape to which

Rahman attaches such significance has subsequently been re-engineered by the state into a more linear and sanitized canal.22 This could hint that urban

21 For a description of the high population growth in immediately post-war Singapore and the effect on informal housing, see van Grunsven (2000: 99).

22 In 1963, the Geylang River was redeveloped into a canal and its banks reshaped.

alterations may affect Singaporeans’ sense of belonging. It is notable that changes to the landscape are described and debated elsewhere in the novel, and in one instance are associated with the ‘dictatorship of the human will’ (119, emphasis added).

Political organisation in the kampong

Haji Hussein’s journal also portrays a meeting of kampong elders. This is politically significant because it portrays the political autonomy of such a

community at that time. Readers in post-independent Singapore might compare this independence to a later lack of such community autonomy.

In addition, the political process is described in detail and is portrayed as valuable. The discussion at a meeting is depicted; only at the end of it does the headman, a ‘father figure to all the villagers’, having listened to diverse views, speak and make a decision (325). This is a lesson that ‘he who listens as he governs will grow in knowledge and wisdom’ (326). Here, the kampong’s political process provides a lesson for a modern Singaporean. It could be inferred that this passage carries a hint for the fathers of modern Singapore. The government states that it values consultation but it is regarded as paternalistic by several commentators, as is further discussed in Chapter Six.

Presentation of the kampongs’ demise

Jan states that ‘Such kampong scenes have passed away with time; we do not have such kampongs any more.’ (152). She then comments that Rahman dreamt of moving out of the kampong to ‘a better place’.

Jan’s opening sentence may be regarded as politically ambiguous.

National loss is conveyed through the words ‘we’, ‘passed away’, ‘not’, and ‘any’.

The negatives and the conveyed sense of bereavement could be read as an inferred criticism of the state’s resettlement of kampong dwellers. On the other hand, the sentence’s concluding phrase, ‘passed away with time’, conveys natural expiry. This resonates with the portrayal of the redundancy of kampong life in Ricky.. Notably, Jan does not mention the state’s intervention in Geylang Serai: its purchase of land in 1962 and in the 1970s; its resettlement of kampong dwellers to public housing estates, and the construction of HDB housing on the acquired land (Abadi 1986: 27-41). The political will behind this is evidenced by Lee Kuan’s Yew (1965b) early comment that, ‘in ten years, Geylang Serai will be another and better Queens town all the shacks will be demolished (sic)’. Nor does Jan refer to some of the resistance to these measures.23 Therefore, Jan’s comment about the kampongs having simply ‘passed away’ may be regarded as sidestepping the state’s intervention and the response to it, which leaves the state unaccountable in the text.

23 Abadi (ibid. 32) states, ‘Resettlement resulting from the rapid urban renewal scheme and the speed in which blocks of flats were being built were seen by the Malays, particularly those living in Geylang, as threats to their established way of life’. This contributed to a sense of ‘tension1.

Jan’s following comment, about Rahman’s ambition to leave the kampong, associates moving out the kampongs with progress and therefore in accord with the state policy.

A possibly subversive allusion to a hut fire

No kampong is portrayed in the romantic novel Following, by the popular novelist and political commentator Catherine Lim. Nevertheless, there is a depiction of a hut on some undeveloped land that is destroyed by a fire.

Whilst the novel is recognized for its political commentary (e.g. Sally Lui Sha-Lee, 2003: 118; Robin Gerster 2002: 1443), the fire has attracted scant published literary criticism. In this analysis, the shelter is read as being a possible allusion to a kampong-like attap hut and its destruction is suggested to have some potentially subversive undertones.

In the narrative, the heroine (Yin Ling)’s elderly family maid, called Ah Heng Cheh, owns a small plot of land, ‘covered with lallang grass and still bearing the remnants of a disused well’ (73). The property suddenly becomes immensely valuable when it forms part of a larger site earmarked for commercial development by a petrochemical company. As the old woman believes that her plot is the ‘permanent’ home of her god of love and compassion (286), she declines the company’s lucrative cash offer and builds a hut as a shrine for her

In the narrative, the heroine (Yin Ling)’s elderly family maid, called Ah Heng Cheh, owns a small plot of land, ‘covered with lallang grass and still bearing the remnants of a disused well’ (73). The property suddenly becomes immensely valuable when it forms part of a larger site earmarked for commercial development by a petrochemical company. As the old woman believes that her plot is the ‘permanent’ home of her god of love and compassion (286), she declines the company’s lucrative cash offer and builds a hut as a shrine for her