Los proyectos provinciales

Globalisation and the postmodern era associated with it can be perceived by Russian society, by the core of the Russian people, as a new incentive for even further fundamental archaisation. If we reach the paradigmatic depths of our people’s collective unconscious, they will be better equipped to use the models of globalisation and the postmodern era as an efficient instrument for awakening, just as they were able to find an efficient anti-Western instrument in Western Bolshevism. This does not mean that postmodernism and globalisation are good at their core. They are not good; they are the worst of all evils. But if we look closely at the structure of this evil, almost absolute and immaculate, we will be able to formulate the most radical and decisive antithesis, to reach the very depths of our national soul. The Russian people and our Orthodox

tradition must be restored by an act of will to its initial pure form.

Have the Russian people disappeared or not?

This is an almost ontological question. If we look a t people as a collective assembly of various tendencies — historical, cultural, ethnic, religious, philosophical and conceptual — then, of course, they have become invisible. ‘There is no people’ is as metaphysical a statement as

‘there is a people’; it follows the same formula.

We cannot make a reasonable argument here. If we assume that ‘there is no people,’ then there is only society, and therefore globalism is a more advanced and modernised form of the social structure, which means that it will inevitably win.

There will only be passive resistance to it, and therefore our gradual dissolution into globalism is inevitable. This is what globalists and liberals themselves think. But the belief that there is no people is an evil belief; it wishes for the concept

of ‘a people’ to be non-existent, and it kills the concept by its very existence. This is wishful thinking…

There is a more hopeful belief — a belief that there is a people. This belief gives rise to a new historical subject — the demos,^[137] which we possibly just cannot see. The people is an

‘infinitely big atom’ which we do not see. But it is there, and it occasionally makes itself known.

If we stick to the hypothesis of the fixed existence of an ethnos, the hypothesis of the permanence of the Russian people with its own stable system of paradigms, which reacts to everything as a uniform living being — retracts, attacks, calms down, shouts — then we will be able to draft a project of the permanent people’s participation in contemporary history, as well as in postmodern and global history. In this case, the contemporary influences that Russians have definitely already absorbed will not necessarily stand in the way of

archaisation. We can try and assimilate modernity, globalisation and postmodernism for our national ethnical purposes and build a system of civilisation, government and religion that would meet our core interests, the interests of our people. This project can be dubbed a Eurasian Empire, a new multipolar world, and a qualitative mutation of the substance of postmodernism. We should think, search for and make attempts in this direction…

The xenomorphic entity whose representatives have interpreted globalisation not only as an objective phenomenon and challenge, but as an ethical positive they were prepared to serve and obey and which they were going to make the basis of the country and its statehood, and which had been largely in their control for some time, has lost the fight for power. They were not merely

‘reformers’, they were ‘globalist reformers’, they shaped Russia into a country that fit into

globalism. Khodorkosvky directly stated this, Voloshin supported it, and Pavlovsky repeatedly declared it as an ideology. Chubais stressed it in economic and political terms. That said, the

‘progressives’ of the globalist type have a fundamental base not only overseas, which is obvious, but in Russian society as well. This base is an alienated Russian statehood, which has been dubbed ‘tools’ by the Old Believers. These are totally Russian, slightly alcoholic and slightly anti-Semitic civil servants, who feed the decision-making xenomorphic elite with their own blood.

The basis for the rise of Khodorkovsky, Voloshin, Chubais and their successors is the huge vested interests of the ‘tool’ Russian officials of the state, who, in fact, had given birth to the oligarch system and set the scene for the globalist system, for the implementation of the ‘global’ corruption of the state and of the social fabric. In reality, the huge government apparatus of ‘tools’ is the

principal source, creator and patron of the socially functional existence of the representatives from the liberal oligarchy, the cosmopolitan intelligentsia and the ‘Family’ clan of corruptors and lobbyists of the Yeltsin breed.

Therefore, when we speak of the ‘rotation of the elite’ we must be clear: the front ranks have merely been filled by scapegoats and clowns. The scriptwriters and giants of decay and degeneration lurk in the shadows. If new henchmen of this meaningless state corruption machine replace them, we will be even worse off than we are today. It will be a faux substitution, not a genuine rotation. The forces of alienation and degradation will place new people who will, in turn, be removed and replaced by others, all of the same mentality.

We have the Russian people: they must be legally and politically acknowledged as the supreme authority with enduring value, and their

God-bearing status must be confirmed. Then we must not only use their will and existence to oppose the withering and already partially imprisoned xenomorphic elite, but also to challenge the alienated bureaucratic government machine that gave rise to this elite class by engineering it, advancing it, and backing it with property and social leverage. This is not an easy task. Russians are living in an imaginary world, and it is highly probable that we will again be deceived and betrayed by an intermediate caste of state ‘tools’. And we will fall for their tricks again, unless we recruit fundamentally new people to serve for the good of the nation. Let them be Armenian, Jewish, Georgian, or Chechen, but they should be bright personalities and energetic activists. Creative people are needed, no matter their origin, to be sworn supporters of the immense, great, eternal, holy and universal principle represented by the Russian people. Let

‘small people’ who are able to work efficiently help to realise the aspirations of the ‘great people’.