My study is concerned with women and WLB an issue that emerges with the widespread presence of women in employment (Edgell, 2006; Hochschild, 2000). Despite variation across the Global North women are well accepted within the labour market, with the
Second World War representing a watershed for their workforce participation (Edgell, 2006; Rowbotham, 1999). Consequently the ‘normalisation’ of working mothers is evident (Greer and Peterson, 2013), with the 21st century seeing the dual-centric family as the norm,
creating joint responsibility amongst earners to provide economically and care for the family (Christensen and Alfred, 2013). Nonetheless, women’s employment remains on average, less well paid in comparison with men, due to its frequent part-time nature and breaks in employment to accommodate family needs. Schober and Scott (2012: 528) argue:
’Gender role egalitarianism…is at best lop-sided. Advances in gender equality will only occur when the roles of mothers and fathers in parenting and employment become more symmetrical’
This reflects the structural distinctions between men and women that are deeply embedded within society and leave them doing much more in the household, with further negatives in the workplace (Oakley, 1984; Hochschild, 2000). The two features are linked together and create expectations that women will be family focused leading female sections of labour market to remain undervalued and marginalised.
Women experience many challenges as a result of societal norms and stereotypes,
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and Hynes (2005: 380) through in-depth interviews with couples considered how gender roles evolved, to find transitions in early parenthood to be part of an ‘interactional’ process. This meant behaviour was matched with social expectations and altered to fit with
gendered roles, such as mother. In WLB terms Ruppanner and Hufferman (2014) in an international comparative study found greater acceptance amongst women of non-work to work interference, as their familial demands influence the workplace. Accordingly, women are often more willing to accept compromise along their employment to accommodate the family.
When exploring the experiences of women it is important to consider diversity, as there are other social factors which influence women’s lives. The second wave of feminism focuses upon women as a homogenous group and often fails to see the distinctions between their separate realities (Letherby, 2003; Mann, 2005; Moen, 2011). Gatrell, et al. (2012: 305) found organisational psychology research concerning WLB in the 1970s and 1980s to be motivated through the emergence of the two career couples and related conflict. They identify a narrow perspective of interest and no acknowledgement of the significance of social class, as research focuses upon ‘highly educated women’, heterosexuals and ‘work- rich ‘career’’ parents. Additionally, when Gatrell et al. (2013) examine sociological literature, a similar pattern of professionals in the foreground emerges, with few exceptions. Skeggs (1997) argues that during the development of feminist ideology there has been a movement away from social class, which fails to engage with the more distinct experiences of working- class women. Partly this links with the second wave of feminism focusing upon women’s lack of power generally, but also aspects associated with the difficulty of defining social
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class. Social position is significant within my study as influential in experiences, expectations and options available.
WLB will be a different experience for low paid workers as less hourly income requires more hours of employment or partial benefit dependency, with further restrictions around
purchasing supporting services (Warren et al., 2009). Dean and Coulter (2006) researched low-income family and individual experiences of WLB through in-depth interviews, to
evaluate policy effectiveness. They found flexibility and fewer hours unrealistic for many low paid hourly earners, with many parents working long hours, including weekends to achieve sufficient income for their family. Further variation is seen in the research of Ward et al. (2010), who identify greatest choice to work fewer hours to accommodate children amongst qualified professional women with higher earning partners. By contrast lower earning, unskilled mothers have to work more hours and frequently used grandparents or informal networks for childcare. This study of a locality demonstrates that WLB options are restricted through earnings and family situation. Warren et al. (2009) identify difficulty due to fewer opportunities amongst the least well-qualified women, which is increased where they are disconnected from family support. Once more, this reflects the significance of informal childcare for those with lower income.
WLB opportunity is influenced by the circumstances of the family or household, which will either represent greater demands or support. Minnotte (2011) considers WLB conflict amongst single parents through a survey approach. Despite limited coverage interesting points around dual responsibility and consequential stress and anxiety are identified, with only informal networks often available to support. This reflects similar patterns seen throughout the UK, whereby lone parents as sole providers for their family are more prone
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to poverty and WLB compromise (Dex and Smith, 2002; Gables et al., 2007; Lewis, 2005). Mandic et al. (2016) through cross sectional, self-reporting, WLB survey, of parents caring for children with complex needs, found substantial personal and financial costs. This relates to less ability to commit to employment, which reduces their income and career
opportunities. There is also indication of further compromises due to demands at home and sleep loss.
So far this chapter has focused upon the practicalities of attempting to achieve or maintain WLB. However, in terms of working class women it is useful to consider attitudes. Skeggs (1997) utilised an ethnographic approach to research experiences of working class women in Further Education studying community care courses, in a North Western industrial town in England. The research considered the efforts of working class women to participate in education, while not appearing ‘too big for your boots’ (Skeggs, 1997: 11). The demarcations of respectability were found in how women looked and present themselves which
contributes to their struggle if they were seen to stand out from their own community. Skeggs (1997) identified positive attitudes towards participation in care associated with contribution to the community, with barriers associated with low self-esteem and sense of worth deeply embedded within the women. Skeggs (1997: 163) articulates:
‘The women’s ontological security was found precisely not in being an individual but ‘fitting-in’’
This reflects the significance of community, depicting their motivation not in aspiring to become middle class but offering care. An important part of identity relates to how women are seen to manage different aspects of their lives and subsequently WLB.
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Whilst women can struggle with achieving WLB they form strategies to cope, which Hyman et al. (2005: 715) through researching professional and non-professional workers describe as ‘either work or domestically initiated’. Jarvis (1999: 232) explores households strategies which include control over income and household standard’s, demonstrating individuals as not ‘helpless victims’ or ‘social flotsam’ but in control of their lives. In terms of how women cope some define themselves via their ability to meet both employee and mother roles, leading Hochschild, (2000) and Shaevitz, (1985) to identify the ‘Supermom’. Ammons and Markham (2004: 205) argue homeworking women are prone to ‘superwoman syndrome’ as they attempt to fulfil their work role and be a ‘full-time homemaker’. Attitudinal changes are evident as the second wave of feminism focused upon WLB disharmony. In the 1980s in the UK there was an increase in women who wanted a profession alongside being a
successful wife and mother (Moen, 2011). Gatrell et al. (2013: 310) identify gaps within WLB due to the failure to encompass the ‘desire’ to be an involved parent, whereby childcare is viewed as ‘work-life balance enriching’. Consequently, WLB is affected by personal and household strategies, underpinned by attitudes and approaches.
In Table 2, I provide an example of personal strategies used by adult learners as identified by Lowe and Gayle (2007) when examining ‘work/life/balance’ amongst adults undertaking HE programmes in FE.
52 Table 2: Personal strategies used by adult learners
Personal Strategy Type Associated approach managing demands and including learning
1: Good balance: Indicated through ‘separation and compartmentalization’, with