Seton himself was in favour of introducing village- settlements. But that was not his ultimate objective* Moreover his notion of a village settlement was not quite clear* What he was planning in the initial stages was perhaps a village-
Also, Metcalfe to Seton, 2 Dec.1807* B eng• Rev*Cons.,
26 Feb. 1808, 33, Enclosure 2. This theme was later devel oped hy him when he was Resident of Delhi. See his Revenue Report, 4 Sept. 1815* paras*23-25* 175-17&*
2. N.B.Edmonstone to Ochterlony, 23 May 1805, p a r a *4, Bo.Coll* 4432, Vol.196, pp.104-105.
3. Seton to Beng.Govt., 22 Jan. 1807, Beng.Rev*Cons*, 12 Feb. 1807, 32.
wise settlement in order to gain a thorough knowledge of the internal resources of the country so that eventually a perma nent settlement of the Bengal type could "be introduced* In
fact he was a staunch admirer of 1 the revenue system prevail ing in the Lower Provinces of Bengal...1, he informed Metcalfe, since it was best 'calculated to secure the comfort and happi ness of the zumeendars and ryots,...1. However, he did not wish to adopt its principles at that stage > in Delhi consider- ing such a move to be premature. Yet he asked Metcalfe to
suggest suitable persons on whom proprietary rights could be vested and said,
'If no regular proprietary right to land exist, it may be deemed a wise and politic measure on the part of Government to create that right, in order with it to create an interest in the soil, and thereby raise the value of the land, and render its improvement a source of profit to the owner.1 2
At the same time he agreed that a sense of right commensurate with occupancy and prescription was recognized in Delhi,
although the right of unconditional sale of land rdid not
exist'. In other words, he continued, [^Government was the land lord having the right to create or delegate its proprietary rights to anyone it chose.^ Only a few months earlier he had chided Spedding for such a proposition but n o w he was himself suggesting it.
* Necessity dictated this policy. Ha v i n g discovered that 1. Seton to Beng.Govt., 4 Jan.1808, para.3* Beng.Rev.Cons•,
26 Peb. 1808. 32, Also to Metcalfe,21 Dec. 1807, para.2, Ibid., 33* These letters are published in Delhi Residency and Agency, 1806-1857> Vol.l, pp.7-9? and i5-30~*
2. Seton to Metcalfe, 21 Dec.1807% para.13» Ibid. 3. Ibid.
51
the village jzSamindars^ either resisted or did not co-operate with the officers of government in measuring the cultivated land, Seton conceived of entering into settlement with the
p
mukaddams or headmen of the village. They in turn posed a problem. It was quite often found that there were as many as 8 or 10 mukaddams in the same village. An engagement with all of them, Seton observed, tended ’to divide responsibility* and
’confuse the business’ besides creating ’unnecessary detail1. But more serious than this was the fact that these headmen were all united?and often opposed the government to such an extent that the amiIs and other officers were forced either to yield to their wishes or flee the village. That Is why Seton
felt determined to reduce their power, firstly, by selecting
iL
one of them as a proprietor in each village, and secondly, by reducing their allowances and regulating their relations with the ryots after ascertaining the rights of both.
He insisted that the rights of the ryots whom he def ined as the immediate cultivators of the soil should be
ascertained in relation to their immediate superiors whether they were headmen, landlords or jagirdars , and their ’share of the produce’ must be fixed. He enjoined Metcalfe:
’The relief of the ryot was a very essential object of your present deputation*’ 6
Zapifl-fls-r = landlord in Bengal; an occupant of the soil in Belhifnormally other than a ryot or peasant.
2. Mukaddam = headman of a village.
3. Seton to Beng.Govt., 15 Sept.1807, Beng.Rev.Cons., 2 Oct. 1807, 21.
4. Ibid.
5. Seton to Beng.Govt., 4- Jan.1808, Beng.Rev.Cons•, 26 Feb. 1808, 32.
6. Seton to Metcalfe, 21 Dec.1807, paras. 2 & 9, Beng.Rev. Cons., 26 Feb. 1808, 33.
52
One thing appears to be certain. Although Seton, favoured the Bengal principles,he did not conceive then of creating big landlords. He would have been satisfied perhaps if one person was made a landlord in each village. Furthermore, he showed an awareness of the fact that subordinate rights
existed and they deserved to be protected. Quite obviously he was being conscious of the shortcomings of the Bengal system which had exposed themselves as time advanced. Also to avoid mistakes he planned that villages should be surveyed and lands measured before fixing the revenue permanently* In these
respects an influence of the Munro System was also obvious
in him. Perhaps he was attempting to evolve a workable formula by compromising two sets of principles in the context of the
situation in Delhi. In faith however, he looked to the princi ples of Cornwallis for salvation. While engaged in settling Rewari when Metcalfe pointed out that S e t o n fs proposals
appeared a derivation from the established usage, Seton replied that ’every improvement is in fact an innovation1,'1- Surely
Seton was less concerned than Metcalfe on the question of * innovation’.
In actual working, however, village settlements contin ued to be made without upsetting the existing social order.
Also the method of assessment, the mode of collection and the machinery used for the purpose remained indigenous in character. In his instructions on all questions relating to revenue
1. Seton to Beng.Govt., 24- May 1808, para.4-, Beng,Rev. Cons*, 10 June 1808 , 24-; Metcalfe to Seton, 21 May 1808, Ibid.,25*
53
affairs Seton detailed out the indigenous methods and tech*- niques to he employed."*" Hitherto everywhere whether in Madras or in the Ceded and Conquered Provinces such a procedure was being followed.
S e t o n 1s period of administration of five years was devoted to[acquiring of information and knowledge of the
territory. Seton had succeeded in maintaining peace and pro- tecting |iliVes and property of the people as a result of which the revenue of the territory had increased, the country evid-
p ently growing in prosperity.
Full of enthusiasm Metcalfe came to Delhi in May 1811 as Resident at the age of 27# He considered his situation
1... without exception in every respect the highest in the country beneath the members of Government; and I do not wish to quit this situation until I quit India. 1 3
When he set out to work he found fa load of arrears of S et o n fs t i m e '. Seton was in the habit of looking into every minute detail of administration himself, hence the arrears. Moreover, especially in revenue matters nothing had been finally decided. Metcalfe informed Elphinstone that his whole time was now
engaged in revenue and judicial business. As a result of this he managed to write only a few and short reports, *the longest 1. Seton to Spedding, 1 Oct.1806, Beng.Rev.Cons•, 12 Feb.1807,
33, Enclosure 1; Also to Metcalfe, 21 Dec. 1807, Ibid> , 26 Feb. 1808, 33-
2. Land revenue under Seton had increased to R s *8,60,884- in 1810-11. Seton left in 1811. Metcalfe's Revenue Report, 4- Sept. 1815, para.3, Beng. Rev.Cons., 16 Sept. 1820, ol. 3. Metcalfe to Hon'ble Mrs. Monson, (Private Letter), 10 Sept.
1811, Kaye, Life of Metcalfe. 1, p. 337.
4-, Metcalfe to Elphinstone, 29 Nov.1811, Elphinstone Papers, >cEur.MS S . F.88, Box 14-, k.4-6(c).