Significant to the legitimacy of undifferentiated schooling was the influence of Christian ontology. Ontology is the presuppositions “of conceptualizations, commitments, and understandings about the
human relationship to things such as self, world, and others” and raises questions about the nature
of reality and the relation that humans have to it (Howe, 2006, p. 423). Ontology questions whether
ultimate reality is “material, ideational, or supernatural?” (Schmaker, 2008, p. 107). Ontology also
considers questions of “ultimate ends”, that is are they determined by “divine or super-natural
causes”, or are they “undetermined, subject to human will and powers?” (Schmaker, 2008, p. 107).
How a society answers these ontological questions at any given time determines the content, ethos, and purpose of education.
Within the undifferentiated society, Christianity constituted the dominant means by which reality, and ultimate ends were understood. Theological belief defined reality and thus the conditions and requirements to live within this reality (Sheldrake, 2007). Christianity, therefore, held the ontological legitimation to form the content and purpose of education through its beliefs surrounding human nature.
The dominance of Christianity, and the intolerance for beliefs outside of a Christian ontology, meant that the ontology within the undifferentiated era was not only Christian but also strong. The relationship between the individual and knowledge was authoritarian, with a perception of the individual that emphasised conformity. As Schofield (1972, pp. 149-150) states, “the doctrine and dogma of the Church were constraints on individual and freedom of thought, and because the
+
*
* = Logical AND + = Logical OR - - - = Ontologicalrelationship = Casual relationshipconstraints dominated thinking, they also determined behaviour”. Thus, “there was no distinction between religious doctrine and dogma and education” (Schofield, 1972, p. 150).
The variable - the rise of Christian ontology - is constituted by three secondary-level properties: Christian monism, salvation, and conformity of religious thought. These properties form a hybrid relationship where while a general Christian monism and salvation are necessary, the property conformity of religious thought is not. The flexibility of this last property is to acknowledge situations where a Christian pluralism formed with accepted denominational differences in religious thought. This relationship is illustrated by Figure 4.4.
Figure 4-4: The secondary-level variables of the rise of Christian ontology.
The hegemony of the Christian religion over schooling in the undifferentiated phase is defined as
monism. Monism assumes a “uniformity of human nature” where all humans “share a common
nature consisting of unique capacities, dispositions and desires” (Parekh, 2000, p. 17). Monism
asserts that “only one way of life is fully human, true, or the best” (Parekh, 2000, p. 16).
Consequently, a Christian moral monism asserts the Christian “way of life” as superior (Parekh, 2000, p. 25).
The authority of Christian ontology Christian monism
*
Salvation+
Conformity of religious thoughtThe Christian moral monism that underpinned undifferentiated schooling was “theologically grounded” and founded on the belief that Christianity was the “‘one and true’ religion” (Parekh, 2000, p. 24). Religion was viewed “not only a matter of personal faith but also a matter of collective
responsibility and collective identity” (Berman, 1990, p. 151). Consequently, the relationship
between the individual and society was authoritarian and was maintained through Church practices
that emphasised conformity. As Schofield states, “the doctrine and dogma of the Church were
constraints on individual and freedom of thought, and because the constraints dominated thinking, they also determined behaviour” (Schofield, 1972, pp. 149-150).
The development of Christian monism meant that worldview became defined by a theological belief that was particularly concerned with salvation. As Lucas states, “the only real significance of earthly life was that its character determined the fate of a man’s soul struggling on a perilous journey toward heaven or hell” (Lucas, 1972, pp. 238-239). Thus, the purpose of life was spiritual with secular concerns secondary to the “higher and otherworldly purpose” of “the eternal reward of the supernatural life that came after the body’s death” (Gutek, 2005, p. 79). By association, the predominant purpose of schooling was spiritual, as Wright (2004) summarises,
For Christianity the final goal of education lay in the reuniting of fallen humanity with its creator, a goal that was essentially eschatological: though this end could be prefigured, at least in part, in this present life it was necessary to look beyond the grave for its final consummation (Wright, 2004, p. 128).
Consequently, education was concerned with preparation for salvation where these preparations had utilitarian civil, moral, and vocational consequences.
With the Reformation, salvation came to have particular significance for the institutionalisation of schooling. Martin Luther, a key initiator of the Reformation, decreed salvation as being the responsibility of the individual for it was “only individual confrontation with the divine words that would enable an authentic and unmediated relationship between God and the individual” (Luke, 1989a, p. 70). This was a marked difference from Catholic Church doctrine where salvation was mediated through the church, priests, and liturgy. Thus the Protestant denominations that arose from the Reformation posited salvation as dependent upon literacy because the individual needed access to the word of God, untainted by priest or church (Lucas, 1972). To this end, literacy became a religious requirement because “scripture is the only authority on morality and religion, children
Because of the practice of “individual confrontation with divine words” there arose an individualism and religious and political fragmentation that challenged the stability of society (Luke, 1989a, p. 70). Luther feared that this was because people were misinterpreting the Bible (Luke, 1989a). As a result, initial movements towards individualism facilitated by the Reformation were countered by an increased institutionalisation of religious schooling. Schooling became a central means to respond to the individualism and fragmentation that arose from the Reformation, and thus ensure political and religious stability and authority:
the institutionalization of the child in the school was seen as one way to reinstate the social order; as the reformers had hoped, instilling a selective tradition of desired values, morals, ethics and social discipline in the young (Luke, 1989a, p. 79).
To this end, Martin Luther wrote the Short Catechism and the Longer Catechism to replace the Bible in schools, thereby ensuring the correct interpretation of Lutheran doctrine (Luke, 1989b). The Catechism was an authoritarian textbook in which Christian doctrine was explained in “a small,
concise and simple form” (Luke, 1989b, p. 124). Through the catechism schooling became the
memorisation of “religious principles” through a standard set of questions and answers that instilled in students minds “correct religious dogmas” (Gutek, 2005, p. 112).
The pedagogical method and content of the catechism was designed to ensure conformity of
thought and behaviour where students were recreated into “an embodiment of suitable knowledge”
(Luke, 1989b, p. 128). Luke refers to the catechism as a “lawful and centrally controlled
indoctrination program” (Luke, 1989b, p. 124). Textbooks and teaching methods were standardised to catechetical instruction to ensure that students remained faithful to their religion during a time of “religious warfare” (Gutek, 2005, p. 112). The ability of individuals to “defend their faith against
rival antagonists” was perceived as essential (Gutek, 2005, p. 112). Confessional examinations
structured schooling and ensured conformity of thought to a body of knowledge, belief, and morality that precluded participation in society.
To meet the theology of the church, the spiritual needs of the individual, and the political needs of the state, the Reformation recommended states compel its citizens towards literacy and thus salvation. Luther argued that the state would provide the authority for compulsion of education while the church would be the provider. State and Church would work together in the
administration and provision of schooling based on Luther’s belief that parents could not be
4.5 Conclusions
The two-level theory of undifferentiated schooling identifies and analyses the causal variables and properties that led to religious authority over the provision, curricula, and ontology of education. Undifferentiated schooling had its origins in the Middle Ages where the Catholic Church arose upon the collapse of Rome to become the central political, social and educational authority. Underpinning its educational authority was its control of knowledge, Greek knowledge was synthesised to Hebrew understandings, creating an authoritative Christian paradigm that prioritised faith and religion. This formed an ontological authority over society and subsequently education. A Christian monism developed where the key purpose of schooling became the attainment of salvation. This education for salvation also held social and political advantages to nation states. Subsequently, nation states developed a stake in maintaining conformity of religious thought, primarily through the increased institutionalisation of religion and schooling.
Because undifferentiated schooling had global significance through the transnational impact of Christianity, the initial relationship between religion and schooling in both New Zealand and Norway is elucidated and explained in terms of the theory of undifferentiated schooling. Undifferentiated schooling exposes global epistemological, political and social developments that shaped early conceptions of religion and schooling within both Norway and New Zealand. However, how these variables were interpreted and practiced within each nation was dependent upon each nation’s unique social, cultural and political context. The following chapter will explore how undifferentiated schooling manifested in Norway and New Zealand.
Chapter Five: Undifferentiated Schooling in Norway and New Zealand
This chapter explores the historical foundations of religion and schooling in Norway and New Zealand elucidating the conceptual and theoretical insight of undifferentiated schooling. The general explanatory power of undifferentiated schooling has its origins in the middle ages where the Catholic Church arose to become a “supranational power” (Kent, 2000, p. 16). The Catholic Church
provided both Norway and the British Isles (and correspondingly New Zealand) with “a common
culture, and membership of an international organisation” (Jewell, 1998, p. 155). This common
Christian foundation continued throughout the Reformation where, while “there was no longer any
supranational institution capable of unifying them”, across the British Isles and the Nordic countries
there was a continuance of “similar structures and aims” between the nations (Österlin, 1995, p. 107). Of particular significance was belief in the necessity of education for salvation and the recognition of cultural and political advantages of a religious schooling. Subsequently, the theory and concept of undifferentiated schooling is a common educational phenomenon in both Norway and New Zealand where the universal text – “the big international reader, the Bible” (Telhaug, 2002, p. 9, own translation) - structured the content of both early educational systems.
This chapter will illustrate that while there was a common concept of undifferentiated schooling in New Zealand and Norway, thick historical research elucidates a structure dependent upon each
nation’s cultural, political, and educational context. Thus, while undifferentiated schooling provides
an abstract conceptual and theoretical framework that explains the initial relationship between religion and schooling, differences exist in national interpretation. In this way, undifferentiated schooling should be envisaged as an ideal type; that is as a “conceptual yardstick for examining differences and similarities, as well as causal connections, between the social processes under investigation” (Appelrouth & Edles, 2008, p. 144). Thus, insight is drawn from the explanatory power of undifferentiated schooling; as well as the influential national characteristics of New Zealand and Norway, where particularly important is how each nation perceives religion in relation to the principles of social cohesion, individual autonomy and cultural diversity.
This chapter spans from the Middle Ages to the mid-nineteenth century, a period that encompasses the historical foundations of western education systems and the initial interest of the state in schooling. This chapter is divided into two halves; the first analyses the historical foundations of
religion and schooling in Norway while the second explores the initial relationship between religion and schooling in New Zealand. Reflecting the two-level theory of undifferentiated schooling, this chapter explores both proximate and immediate influences as well as historical, social, and educationally cumulative events.
The first half of this chapter explains the establishment and institutionalisation of undifferentiated schooling in Norway beginning with the identification of applicable ontological properties. Section
5.1.1 examines the introduction of the Catholic Church in the 11th century and its educational
significance in establishing “a spiritual culture based on knowledge in reading and writing, [where] the Church was the centre for education and teaching work” (Myhre, 1998, p. 12, own translation).
Within Catholic Norway the priest was deemed “prophet, teacher and judge”, communicating and
representing both “the sacred and the profane” (Furseth, 1999, p. 110).
Section 5.1.2 explores Norway’s religious change to Lutheranism in the 16th century. Lutheranism had explicit educational requirements and significantly changed the content, purpose, and method of schooling with the introduction of salvation by literacy. Significantly, Lutheranism encouraged the state to assume authority for the compulsion of the religious education of its populace. Section 5.1.3 explores Norway’s state pietism in the 18th century that closely aligned the power of the state with the educational authority and provision of the church. Under this ideology, religious education became increasingly institutionalised and compulsory for all citizens in Norway. Effectively, the state recognised religious schooling as having a social and political purpose. The final section explores the impact of undifferentiated schooling upon the Sāmi, the indigenous people of Norway, specifically in terms of the dual polices of assimilation and cultural suppression. Across Norway’s expressions of undifferentiated schooling was a perception and practice of religion and schooling as a means of social cohesion that restricted cultural diversity and individual autonomy.
The second half of this chapter explores undifferentiated schooling in New Zealand. While the initial nature and shape of schooling in New Zealand was characterised by the ontological properties of undifferentiated schooling, its structure and character differed significantly from Norway. Crucial to understanding the differences between Norway and New Zealand is that while schooling in Norway emphasised conformity of religious thought, New Zealand did not. These differences, in part, were due to the different time periods in which schooling was implemented and the specific cultural demographics and characteristics of each nation.
Due to the process of colonisation in the 19th century, the New Zealand half opens with a brief overview of the British institutions and ideas of religion and schooling that forms the foundation for un-differentiated schooling in New Zealand. Section 5.2.2 examines the European ideals of schooling and religion that were introduced in New Zealand through the educational endeavours of the missionaries. Section 5.2.3 explores the expanding influence and increasing institutionalisation of religion and schooling in the Colonial period during which time the government acknowledged the churches as providers of schooling by passing the Education Ordinance of 1847. Finally, Section 5.2.4 analyses the establishment of the provinces in 1852 where there was an initial strong alignment between religion and schooling in most provinces as religious denominations worked with the provincial councils to provide schooling. Crucial to understanding the particular structure and character of undifferentiated schooling in New Zealand is the fact that central government did not attempt to impose a religious homogeneity. Instead, emphasis was placed on the plurality of Christian denominations and the rights of the different Churches to preach and educate according to their beliefs and practices.