Relación entre los efectos de HFM+S sobre lípidos e inflamación

Other than in its use as a political category, the notion of ‘Indian’ as a collective socio-cultural identity is difficult to define, the more so given the scarcity of research on what constitutes the Fijian Indian cultural identity in comparison to indigenous Fijian culture (Kamikamica, 1998; Ratuva, 2002).

Indo-Fijian behaviour has been acquired, not inherited, out of the many struggles they have faced in Fiji from the time of the indentured labour period until the

present day38 (Walsh, 2006, p. 100; Nandan, 2008, p. 6). These struggles include

the suffering under girmit system itself (Prasad, 2004, p. 99); the breaking-in of native leasehold land for farming (Ratuva, 2002, p. 16; Walsh 2006, p. 111); the early establishment of a commercial business sector (WCC 2001, p.23); the ethnic tensions of the last twenty years, and forced internal migration patterns as a result of non-renewal of land leases (Walsh, 2006, p. 46); and the movement of the educated into positions of the professional ranks either within Fiji or abroad (Ratuva, 2002, p. 17; Robertson, 2006, p. 25; Walsh, 2006, p. 57). The effect of such struggles was to see the development of a common Indo-Fijian Hindi dialect

called Fiji Baat, which is the predominant language of today spoken in the cane

fields, at home and work (Mugler, 2006, p. 390).

The Indo-Fijians strived to establish new values as their continental Indian culture slowly changed, influenced by the new surroundings and with the next generation becoming Indo-Fijians (Kai Idia ni viti or now just kaidia). The formerly indentured became involved in the sugar industry now as farmers and tradesmen while others moved into small and medium sized business ventures with the later arrivals (the

Gujeratis) doing well and a number becoming extremely wealthy (Walsh, 2006, p. 111). The nuclear family became the more central and the Indo-Fijian enthusiasm for education a key element in their economic and social success (Ratuva, 2002, p.16).

38

- 88 -

For Indo-Fijians religion has an importance central to their way of life with its teachings and rituals providing the guiding principles that underpin their own perceptions of identity (Ratuva, 2002, p. 17; Walsh, 2006, p. 113). Within the Indo- Fijian there is diversity of religious affiliations but the majority belong to the Hindu faith (77%) but with a growing number of Muslims (16%) (Walsh, 2006, p. 201).

While there is now within the Indo-Fijian a diversity of religious affiliations, the main faith-based groups are still Hindus (77% of Indo-Fijian population) followed by Muslims (16%) but there are also Christians (6%), Sikhs (<1%) and Buddhists (<1%), (Walsh, 2006, p. 201).

Hinduism in Fiji, while based on the inherited patrilineal North India Hindu family pattern and ideology, does not hold the same caste system values and social framework (Walsh, 2006, p. 201; Lateef 1990, In Yabaki & Norton, 2004, p. 7). This is not to say that class distinction is not still important and mainly invoked between

social income strata’s and job status rather than traditional distinctions (WCC,

2001, p. 24). Hierarchical levels within the family continue to be strongly supported. For example, arranged marriages, the perpetual subordination of women exercised through maintaining their traditional roles in marriage and the sanctity of chastity. Women themselves, who readily accept men’s right to control them, as well as the importance of pre-marital purity and later their marital status are said to

inadvertently aid in their own sense of subordination (Yabaki & Norton, 2004, p. 8). This is sometimes evident by frequent acts of physical violence, still regarded as an effective way of maintaining gender roles and male dominance (Lateef 1990 In Yabaki & Norton, 2004, p. 8).

Whereas Hindu teachings involve a rich sense of social responsibility there is no obligatory pressures comparable to those of indigenous Fijians. Many Hindus worship in their own homes, attend the temples occasionally or for key ceremonies or religious observances. Both the Hindu and Muslim faiths contribute to their temples/mosques by way of voluntary donations in time and money. In the case of

- 89 -

Muslims they are encouraged to give directly to the poor. Their religious faith is not worn as a ‘straight jacket’ in the same way it may be worn by indigenous Fijians with Christianity.

The fact that Indo-Fijians have adapted so much prompted Geraghty (1997) to comment that “[f]or all their differences, Fiji Indians have become far more like Fijians than most people, including themselves, usually realise” (In Walsh 2006, p. 113). This is evident by the easier going and less formal nature, compared to their forebears, in family relations and inter-ethnic friendships demonstrated by example in their regular socialising around the kava bowl and the fact that more Indo-Fijians

speak the Fijian language than Fijians speak Fiji Baat (Walsh, 2006, p. 113). More

fundamentally through the common beliefs and values held to those of indigenous Fijians, both are founded on the importance of religious faith as in the sanctity of marriage and respect of elders and positions of authority.

However their ethnic identity still remains strongly celebrated, evidenced by the beautifully ornate Hindu temples and Muslim mosques; the Indian administered schools and community support groups of the key Indo-Fijian institutions such as the Sanatan Dharma Sabha and the Arya Pratinidhi Sabha Hindu groups; the

various religious observances, some of which are publicly observed holidays;39

their strong affiliations to various trade unions and political parties that advocate for Indo-Fijian rights (Walsh, 2006, p. 113). Naryayan (1984) summarised this overall development of the Indo-Fijian ethnic identity in Fiji as achieving a ‘“solidarity”’ where their ‘“Indianness”’, as he termed it, was ‘“no longer based on caste or family loyalties but rather on common economic interests, ethnic identity, and perhaps even on the perception of a common foe”’, the latter referring to colonial and post- colonial influences40 (In WCC, 2001, p. 23).

39

Diwali, the festival of lights is a Hindu religious holiday observed on 28 October while the Prophet

Mohammed’s birthday is observed on 17 March. 40

Refer to Section 3.4 for descriptions of how Fijian ethnocentricity has developed and the cross cultural tensions that have developed as a result.

- 90 -

4.4.3 Section Summary

This section highlighted there are distinctly different social identities for Fijian and Indo-Fijian and that cross cultural integration, and with that social tensions exist within Fiji society. For the most part these two main ethnic cultures co-exist daily in relative social harmony based on their strong sense of ethnic and religious identity but also fundamental behaviours associated with both cultures. These include respect and protection of the family and community oriented values common to both (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2006, p. 18:42; Ratuva, 2002a, p. 20). However, there is also evidence of two cultures with polarised views of certain communal behaviours that can lead to perceptions that threaten cross cultural relations (Ratuva, 2002a, p.20). It is this impact of culture and religion and other lived experiences that this thesis is examining in relation to urban squatter community development processes.

4.5 Conclusion

This chapter has elaborated on the level of Fiji’s economic and social development in the years preceding 2008 which is the setting for this research study. From this it was found that Fiji is experiencing an urban migration boom. There are a

significant and growing number of people choosing to live in urban squatter settlements around the main centres, particularly in Suva the capital, reflecting a Pacific wide and global trend. Most are very poor and living well below the poverty line. In Fiji ‘push factors’ play a big part in urban migration, the most common being the non-renewal of rural land leases (predominantly from the sugar cane belts), ongoing rationalisation in the sugar industry and garment industry along with the rising cost of living. Some people make this move to provide a better opportunity for higher incomes, greater job and education prospects, and better access to government services and infrastructure. The availability of low cost housing options are few and those who do obtain full time employment do not earn enough to cover rentals, so in most cases squatter shelters are the only alternative. Most migrants

- 91 -

who end up living in urban squatter settlements face life in poorly developed and densely populated shanty towns where their economic status means constant hardship and discrimination.

The last economic review of Fiji by the ADB (2006b) concluded, among other matters that there was a need for effective social safety nets for the unemployed and that improved economic growth could only occur if there were training and investment opportunities and improved access to microfinance which would encourage more self-employment. The report also called for the promotion of alternative livelihood options in urban areas, particularly for women displaced from the manufacturing sector (Robertson, 2006, p. 25). While the Government has pursued initiatives to provide substantive investments into some of the key rural- based engine rooms of the economy which may address the urban push factors, they have yet to do so in main cities. One area of neglect remains the lack of housing options available for the growing numbers of urban-based low income earners who live in the many squatter settlements and are the main source of low cost labour. The context of the poor in urban squatter communities is the setting for this thesis study, concerned with assessing how people in these underprivileged areas can effectively harness available social capital resources to address shared community needs. The following Chapter will describe further details about the choice of study area, the socio-demographic characteristics of each and outline the methodological framework that was applied to the field research in these study sites.

- 92 -

CHAPTER 5