Relación entre los efectos de HFM+S sobre la respuesta inflamatoria

Indigenous Fijian culture is founded at the village level on a communal way of life which revolves around a complex array of kinship relations conducted throughout the different societal groups, the yavusa, mataqali and itokatoka. Groups of yavusa

(tribes)form the vanua or (people of the land),which are headed by the highest

ranking chiefs. Yavusa are the basis of social organisation at district (or tikina) level

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of mataqali, which are headed by a second layer of chiefs and in which

membership is based on patrilineal descent. These are the most important of all

divisions of communal society in respect of land ownership. The mataqali are

further subdivided into closely-related family groups called itokatoka and usually it

is both these groups thatform the community within the village in which they reside

(Geddes, 2000, p. 52; Walsh, 2006, p. xi).

Kinship relations conducted within the village, community or family context take the form of collective rituals or cultural obligations which reinforce traditional societal values and norms. Reciprocal in nature these arrangements are often referred to “as both the essence and bane of Fijian life” (Kingi, 2006, p. 11).34

Two important examples of these are kerekere and sevusevu. The first is a means

by which wealth can be redistributed to others who are resource-poor thus serving to sustain the community (King, 2006, p. 98 & Kingi, 2006, p. 2). The second is the ceremonial presentation of gifts which most often takes the form of valued items

(for example coconut oil) or weaved pandanus mats at weddings or funerals.

Sevusevu is also carried out by way of welcome to village visitors and most often carried out in combination with the presentation of yagona (kava or grog) on arrival to the village head (or chief). This ritual involves the presentation of the plant piper methysticum and sharing of the beverage35 designed to break down barriers, renew old friendships and build trust. However, also according to King (2006), kava “serves to maintain identity, create social solidarity and maintain important

livelihood networks in a process of socio-economic integration…thus central to

cultural sustainability” (p. 99).

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For fuller discussions on the importance of the reciprocal arrangements in Fijian society refer to

William Geddes study of life in a Fijian village (Geddes, 1997) and Trevor G. King’s recent thesis

about sustainable agriculture in a Fijian rural village (King, T. G. 2006).

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Kava (yagona) is produced from the crushing of the dried plants, roots and stem by pounding in a narrow cauldron then adding water to produce a brown liquid which is served from a ceremonial bowl called a tanoa.

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While still holding this symbolism at ceremonial occasions, these days the act of

drinking kava has developed into a daily habit, commonly used as a socialising tool

with little ritual involved at all. The yagona beverage, kava contains a relaxant substance that reduces alertness presenting as a mild stupor-like state (King, T. G.

2006, p. 99). Kava imbibing is now commonplace among Fijian and Indo-Fijian

alike at functions, in the office, at meetings, conferences and sports events and unfortunately where its significance has become lost prompting this comment from Siwatibau about its abuse: “Many people are reinventing culture to suit themselves

to protect or promote their own self interest” (Siwatibau, 1991, p. 121).

In reference to how another important reciprocal arrangement solevu (large

gathering and exchanging of gifts) has changed over time Siwatibau (1997) past

director of UNESCAP in the Pacific was drawn to state that: “It is hard for our

people to save when ceremonial obligations are continuing to escalate imposing increasing burdens on people…modern inventions are compounding the scale of ceremonies and the burden of them” (Siwatibau, 1997, p. 123). He was referring to major family events like weddings, births, deaths and marriages, which can place large financial encumbrances on families. While this is primarily due to the larger numbers within family circles these days there are also deeper reasons for this, a

fundamental sense of obligation to the vanua, to maintaining family pride and the

prestige conveyed to chiefly leaders (Kingi, 2006, p. 4; Siwatibau ,1997, p. 123). More existentially, this is also considered to exhibit as a need to compete with others in terms of grandness (Siwatibau, 1997, p. 124).

The concept of vanua is a key communal symbol to indigenous Fijian culture but

holds a more complex meaning than its literal English translation as ‘land and its people’ or ‘people of the land’ can give to it (Tuwere, 2002, p. 52). Referring to Fijian village life and the acts of reciprocity that are central to it, Kingi (2006, p. 19)

describes the concept of vanua in her study of sustainable rural livelihoods as the

nexus of symbolic, cultural and communal capital, as related in the following statement:

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The relationship between land and people is encapsulated in the term vanua

… this relationship is symbolised by chiefly power which has political and spiritual dimensions…[the accumulation of] resources build on the communal sense of obligation to the vanua (Kingi, 2006, p. 4).

Land tenure is encapsulated within the concept of vanua. Indigenous Fijians retain

control of 83% of all land (Walsh, 2006, p. 60). Fijians view land as the ultimate safety net, a place they can fall back to at any time and with it, to the kinship ties of the village36. This sense of security is criticised for its effect on Fijian ambition,

through “locking Fijians into communal life and the communal subsistence sector

[thereby] retarding their active participation in mainstream economic development which has led to Fijians believing they were of lesser ability and intelligence

compared to Indo-Fijians” (Ratuva, 2002, p. 14).

This close multi-dimensional relationship of indigenous Fijians to land reinforces the disenfranchisement that Indo-Fijians find themselves in with respect to land ownership or even access to it through leasehold arrangements for farming purposes. This is discussed more in the following section.

Christianity and particularly Methodism play a very important and central role in Fijian life37 (Ernst, 1997, p. 18; Ratuva, 2002, p. 15). It is said to be one of three strands on which their social structure is built –matanitu, (government), lotu

(church) and vanua (land and its people) (Tuwere, 2002, p. 52). Such symbolism

reaffirms these values of conformity governing all interpersonal relations, harmony, acceptance of authority and interdependence which are inherent aspects of a communal culture and which have over the years become enmeshed with religious values, (Yabaki & Norton, 2004.)

36

The Vola ni Kawa Bula is a record of all family lineage and land ownership that is held at the Native Land Commission. A recorded entry on this register provides authenticity of ‘Fijian’ identity

through ancestral connection and with it land entitlement (WCC 2001, p18). Refer also section 4.2.1.

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Indigenous Fijian Christians represent approximately 55% of the national population and 34% of which are Methodists (Ernst, 1997, p. 18).

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Fijian loyalty to their church is legendary. The church not only covers their need for spiritual guidance but also an unparalleled financial commitment to its running costs and more often than not the excesses of its celebrant. This financial expectation causes serious erosion of their hard earned and in many cases meagre wages. Robinson and Williams (2001) explained the bind that obligation

places on many Pacific families: “Tithing to a church, although it may be counted

as a form of gift in an economic analysis, has a strong element of obligation and in some cases, of compulsion” (Robinson & Williams, 2001, p. 62).

Fijians themselves have highlighted this compulsion as a problem and potential negative aspect to their culture, “cultural priorities over family obligations, land ownership and wrong priorities in family and church” (Ratuva, 2002a, p. 28). Regardless the pull of the church remains a significant part of life (Khan & Barr, 2003, p. 35). This brings most pressure to bear on women as they are expected to spend a large proportion of their time on fund raising or non-fund raising activities for the upkeep of the church which is on top of their traditional mother’s role (Khan & Barr, 2003, p. 36; Yabaki & Norton, 2004, p. 16).

Every year, for example, the Methodist Church organises a fund raising event

disguised as an annual choir competition, “where singing takes second place to

fund raising” (Yates, 2006, p. 3). All families are levied a fixed sum while villages are also expected to fundraise to boost the overall ‘donation’. This in effect is

another type of sevusevu with village pride at stake but also endears an immense

pleasure to the community concerned when they better others. An indication of the consequences on the families was gained in two otherwise unrelated newspaper articles that featured on the second day of competition. The Fiji Times (2007) reported the Methodist Church had raised $1.5 million dollars towards an overall target of $3million while also reporting the Fiji Teacher’s Union plea for schools not to send children home on the first day of the new term if their families could not pay their fees (Fiji Times, 2007a, p. 3).

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There are many critics who question the Methodist Church motives about giving quotas and need to raise such a large sums of cash while ignoring the effect it has on their congregations’ livelihoods (Khan & Barr 2003, p. 36). There are no

comparable obligations demanded by other religions practiced in Fiji. Coupled with the authoritarian nature of Fijian society, initiative and responsibility is stifled

making people more fatalistic about their circumstance, (Khan & Barr, 2003). Mausio, (2002) refers to this as the ‘culture ofsilence’ stemming from traditional ethnic Fijian culture and value systems that provide a Fijian religious and political means of ‘gate keeping,’ so maintaining a power base with the elite leaders of society, (be they the Church Minister, political leaders of the country or the chiefly leaders of society). (p. 62).

Globalisation and urban migration have been two other external factors that have effected change on the need for indigenous Fijians to rely on their heritage value systems. It is under these forces that the traditional chiefly status as provider for his community is diminished, which in turn has contributed to a decline in

community social structures (Yabaki & Norton, 2004, p. 15). Men contribute little to family life, and are more involved in income generating activities, leaving ample time for leisure in spite of this (Yabaki & Norton, 2004). As mentioned earlier women’s roles are increasingly burdensome. The youth, once affectionately groomed for adulthood through active traditional roles and manual tasks, are now denied the necessary supervision. Along with financial pressures this manifests in lower priorities placed on children’s education and health needs (Devi, S., 2006, p. 3). Youth can become drawn to the wider society where they are influenced by their peers to indulge in drugs, alcohol and other deviant activities that characterise their daily lives (Vakaoti, 2001, p. 22). In many cases the combined result of these significant changes are diminished civic life and self respect in the urban

communities. Furthermore, solidarity among settlers to work together, help and care for each other is gradually being eroded (Yabaki & Norton, 2004, p. 24).

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