In disaster management understanding communication processes is crucial (Quarantelli 1986). Gilbert (1998) advocated that one way of viewing disaster is as a failure of communication within a community, namely in receiving information and informing other people. Auf der Heide (1989) observed that “one of the most consistent observations about disasters is that communication is inadequate”. However, until the 1960s the theme of communication was largely absent from the emergency management literature (Quarantelli 1987). Thanks to the advancements in both disaster research and media technology, research on the role of mass media systems during crises and disasters proliferated in the 1970s (e.g. Hannigan 1976; Scanlon et al. 1978; Krieghbaum 1979) and 1980s (e.g. Kreps 1980, Alexander 1980; Wenger 1985; Adams 1986). These studies reflected the view that disasters are primarily a socially constructed event (Tierney 2007), and mass media operate within a social environment (Quarantelli 1991) that influences which events receive more coverage and are publicly represented as a disaster (Adams 1986). In 1978 the US National Academy of Sciences established a committee to review the state of art of the role of mass media in disasters that, in 1980, resulted in publication of the influential report “Mass Media and Disasters” (Committee on Disasters and the Mass Media 1980)
Quarantelli (1991) noted that the mass media played a huge role in passing on warning information and reporting disaster news. However, communication regarding disaster preparedness and mitigation activities was largely absent (Quarantelli 1991). In recent decades, research on communication in disaster has flourished, and has focussed particularly on risk communication (e.g. Keeney and von Winterfeldt 1986; Johnson and Slovic 1994; Blanchard-Boehm 1998), warning messages (Anderson 1969; Mileti and Sorensen 1990; Mileti and O’Brien 1992) and crisis communication (Seeger 2006; Spence et al. 2007a). Studies of communication during crises have focussed on the organisational perspective (Benoit 1997; Taylor and Perry 2005; Coombs 2007), as well
as on information-seeking and sharing behaviours by the affected population (Spence et al. 2007a; Spence et al. 2007b). Indeed, in order to make sense of the chaotic situation, people intensify information-seeking behaviours during disasters (Tierney 2009).
Research has tended to approach risk communication and crisis communication as separate issues. While the former was intended to inform the public about potential hazards and persuade people to adopt preparedness measures, the latter was traditionally associated with public relations activities. It aimed to minimise harm to organisations and stakeholders (Reynolds and Seeger, 2005). Recent developments have called for more integrated models in which communication extends from before to during and after crisis. The reason for this is that risk and crisis communication share some goals and are profoundly interrelated (Lachlan et al. 2016). For example, they are both intended to mitigate harm during an event and to reduce uncertainty (Lachlan et al. 2016). The crisis and emergency risk communication (CERC) model of Reynolds and Seeger (2005) posited that crisis communication should develop throughout the five stages of a crisis (pre-crisis, initial event, maintenance, resolution and evaluation), although specific communication strategies and goals must be adopted in each of these stages.
Communication models of emergency management have largely been influenced by different conceptualisations of crisis. Crisis models like the ones proposed by Fink (1986), Mitroff (1994) and Coombs (1999) differ in terms of number of crises stages and activities although some functions described are similar in all the models and can overlap. Coombs’s situational crisis communication theory (SCCT) took a different perspective (Coombs 2007). Rather than focusing on the crisis stage, this theory builds on attribution theory (Heider 1958; Weiner 1974) and stresses the features that influence public perception of the crisis and the attribution of responsibility for its consequences. The theory is therefore geared towards the development of communication strategies that are able to protect stakeholders’ reputations. In a similar vein, image restoration theory (Benoit 1997) saw the maintenance of a positive reputation as a key goal
of communication and described possible strategies that could be adopted to restore organisational and individual reputations in the face of crisis.
Although crisis communication theories and models have been widely used in disaster research (e.g. Sellnow et al. 2002, Spence et al. 2007a), Coombs (2010) warned one not to use the terms “crisis communication” and “disaster communication” in an interchangeable manner. Indeed, disasters cause large-scale damage to human life and physical environment and generate high economic and social costs that must be coped with through complex management procedures maintained over an extended period of time (Shaluf et al. 2003). Conversely, crises require rapid decision-making and unfold often in a shorter timeframe (Shaluf et al. 2003). Disasters result from a combination of hazards and vulnerabilities and are exacerbated by the lack of planning and coordination mechanisms (Alexander 2003). Crises are usually unexpected and uncontrollable situations faced by individuals, groups or organisations, which impede normal operations (Alexander 2005). A disaster demands multiagency coordination, which is not always required in the event of crises. A disaster may require that crisis communication plans are activated by single organisations and agencies to protect their reputations and fulfil the specific information needs of each organisation’s stakeholders and audience (Coombs 2010).
Whatever one deals with risk, crisis or disaster communication, there are some common best practices that can be followed though. For example, working with media outlets is crucial in both disasters and crises and throughout the various stages (Williams and Olaniran 1998; Scanlon 2007). The establishment of plans, procedures and relationships before the disaster or the crisis may help one to coordinate and respond better (Seeger 2006; Chester et al. 2017). The public has to be considered as a partner in risk, crisis and disaster communication rather than mere recipients, although a coordinating body to manage official communications and discussions should be established (Chester et al. 2017). Communication has to be as transparent as possible about potential risks and responsive to the public’s concerns (Veil et al. 2011).
Building trust through two-way information flow is another crucial ingredient of every communication plan (Seeger 2006; Longstaff and Yang 2008; Nicholls et al. 2010). Indeed, research has demonstrated that the elaboration of messages depends on the extent to which the source is trusted (Griffin et al. 2004).
Another way to look at disaster communication is by analysing channels, messages and barriers. Quarantelli (1986) noted that communication issues during disasters concern communication within emergency management organisations, between organisations, between organisations and the public, between the public and emergency agencies and between organisational systems. Multiple stakeholders and multiple-tier coordination are major concerns of disaster communication plans (Coombs 2010). However, communication may also be hampered by different organisational goals and cultures, a lack of clear understanding or definition of roles and responsibilities, time pressures, competition among organisations and technical issues of interoperability between communication systems (Manoi and Baker 2007; Palttala et al. 2012).
Previous research has demonstrated that in order to communicate efficiently and effectively before, during and after disasters a multiple- channel approach has to be adopted (Nicholls 2012; Twigg 2015b). A multichannel approach is intended to respond not only to the diversity of the audience in terms of needs and media preferences but also to the intrinsic tendency of people to look for information from various sources when they face risks or crises (Spence et al. 2007a; Nicholls et al. 2010; Sommerfeldt 2015). Various studies have found television, radio, face-to- face meetings and newspapers to be the preferred means of obtaining information in times of disaster (Wray 2004; Spence et al. 2007a; Austin et al. 2012; Burger et al. 2013; IOM 2014; InterNews 2015; BBC Media Action 2015; Steelman et al. 2015). Cellular telephones and social media proved to be crucial in seeking out and sharing disaster-related information, especially where literacy levels are high and local information is not available from mass media (Sutton et al. 2008; Bunce et al. 2012; Internews 2014).
Lastly, modern disaster communication has moved away from a message- centred approach to a more audience-centred one (Palenchar 2009). This shift has been the result of an increased awareness among disaster researchers that information- seeking patterns and message-processing mechanisms may vary across age, gender, socio-economic status, education, ethnicity and race (Mileti and Sorensen 1990; Spence et al. 2006; Noske-Turner et al. 2014; Sommerfeldt 2015). Effective disaster communication requires that strategies are sensitive to culture (Noske- Turner et al. 2014) and informed by knowledge of the pre-disaster communication landscapes, existing communication conduits (i.e. faith- based organisations) and characteristics of the social groups targeted. By communicating with communities, rather than to communities, government agencies can determine what information is being sought and can empower people to address their needs on their own and take informed decisions (IFRC 2005; Nicholls 2012). The “communicating with communities” (CwC) paradigm has also recently gained ground among international relief organisations. After Typhoon Yolanda struck the Philippines in November 2013, killing over 6,000 people and causing widespread damage, UNOCHA deployed two new interagency working groups, denominated Communicating with Communities (CwC) and Accountability to the Affected Population (AAP). They had the task of gathering community feedback, and information and communication needs for all the affected population (CDAC network 2014).
2.2.1. Communication by citizens and authorities in disaster reconstruction
According to Nicholls (2012) the role of communication after disasters should be “to contribute to and, where possible, expedite recovery, through a combination of information and dialogue”. Given that new opportunities to spur social change can open up, communicating with communities is of particular relevance during disaster reconstruction. Indeed, whilst disaster response requires rapid gathering and spreading of information with little time for meaningful engagement, long-term communication initiatives can
be developed in a context of lower risk and can convey messages designed to cause social and behavioural change, policy reform, capacity building and the promotion of accountability and feedback mechanisms. More complete formative research can also be undertaken in this context in order to single out vulnerable social groups, identify information and communication needs for each of these, and target actions accordingly (Government of Australia 2014; Tagliacozzo and Magni 2016).
Despite the opportunities offered, very little research has tackled directly communication during post-disaster reconstruction (Nicholls et al. 2010; Nicholls 2012). In the main, reports (World Bank 2010, Government of Australia 2014) have provided general guidelines and best practices for government agencies. According to the Australian Red Cross (2010) a communication needs assessment (CNA) during disaster recovery should include an initial analysis of the broader context, of the resources available and of the community stakeholders, the definition of the objectives and methods of the communication strategy and the implementation of feedback loops and evaluation mechanisms. The World Bank (2010) has proposed a communication-based assessment methodology (CBA) that allows national and international agencies to produce a communication strategy tailored to the needs of different social groups. A CBA has the scope of gathering qualitative contextual information that gives details of the perceptions and expectations of stakeholders and provides information about appropriate communication strategies. Whilst a CBA should ideally be carried out immediately after a disaster, along with other forms of assessment, its outcomes and the communication strategies built upon it, should be continuously reviewed as the population moves from response to early recovery to reconstruction.
General statements have also been issued that stress the centrality of communication as dialogue and also of the establishment of feedback mechanisms (FEMA 2011; World Bank 2010). Building dialogue and trust not only allows recovery authorities to provide information to the public but also enables people to express their needs and have their voices heard in the reconstruction process (Nicholls 2012). Recovery communications
should be sent out in a coordinated and consistent manner and should reach out even to the most marginalised groups. Given the overload of information, the number of actors involved and the distress produced by recovery procedures, the ability of the population to interpret information may be negatively impacted. Therefore, the same recovery message should be repeated using different communication methods, i.e., by convergent communication (Australian Red Cross 2010). At the same time, messages have to adapt to the distinct information needs of different social groups. Therefore the use of various channels can serve to fulfil different communication preferences, in a form of complementary communication.
McNaughton et al. (2015) acknowledged that leadership and communication during disaster reconstruction can be hampered by uncertainty, size and complexity of the needs to be addressed, time pressure and high expectations and distress of the impacted population. Disaster reconstruction leaders should manage these issues by balancing communication about reconstruction challenges and hope about a brighter future (McNaughton et al. 2015). Communicating post-disaster realities to outside agencies and personnel, often composed by non-experts, is another major issue. Building on local social networks and communication conduits may help recovery agencies to overcome many of these challenges (Australian Red Cross 2010).
Despite these general guidelines, there is no body of literature that systematically investigates communication processes by authorities and citizens in long-term reconstruction. It is therefore difficult to say which specific communication and information needs and practices emerge during this period, how they diversify across the social groups and how they evolve over the time.