Tarea 2: ¿Cuál es la perfección de los números?

The word 'values' here refers to morals and is used by many research participants to describe some individuals' qualities such as leaders, wise members of the community or teachers. The

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and poem phrases that praised the meanings and values of participation. The proverbs are part of this culture, often recited by adults as evidence of the legitimacy of certain actions or expressions of commonly held values. It encourages sharing and cooperation. People always use and repeat many proverbs that praise cooperation and solidarity such as 'one hand cannot clip ' which refers to the need of all people to work and do things together. The more common proverbs were 'God with the group ', this referred to the importance of helping each other and working together, 'those who were not useful for their people would not be useful for others ', and 'the scholars shared El-Nabaga '. El-Nabaga is a Sisyphus tree' s fruit; it is a very small fruit that cannot be divided into two pieces. Choosing El-Nabaga to be divided between two or more people was an emphasis on the importance of sharing and giving. In the Sudanese spoken language, the term 'scholars' was used to identify religious teachers or advisors; using this term gives the proverb more power as the scholars are normally seen as inspiring people. It was observed that people always refer to some religious values during meetings and conversations. A concept, such as 'the community is like one body; if any part of it is suffering, the rest of the body willfeel the same pain ' , was repeated many times during the discussion and interviews. It appears that participation is seen as 'a value and a way of life'. These values bring people together when they have to support each other or carry out community work.

Working for

Common Good

Local communities have their own traditions and practices when they have to work together on initiatives or for a common good. These traditions are constructed around caring, sharing and obligations. Research participants identified some events and activities that brought the whole community together such as through establishment of schools, water pumps, mosques, houses and farming operations. People also participate in various activities to help individuals who serve the community. They donate or allocate land and organise Nafir to farm in order to support the teachers or the midwife.

At the village level there were many activities such as farming, funeral services, preparation for weddings, welcoming a newborn baby and caring for the sick and elderly, which required people to cooperate and help each other. During the rainy season, people also co-operate to achieve many farming chores such as planting, weeding and harvesting. Labour supply, whether for farm or community activities, was viewed as a real problem. Some families

move outside the villages and stay in their farms in temporary huts. They return back if something happens in the village or for Friday's prayer. The majority leaves their homes in the morning and come back before sunset. Not many people could afford hiring labour or had enough household members to achieve labour-demanding tasks. In order to overcome these difficulties people practiced for a long time different participatory models such as Nafir, (mobilization). This participatory practice forms a framework that is designed to reciprocate help and alleviate hazards, risks and hardships facing individuals or the community as a whole (Mohammed, 200 1 ). Nafir urges those who finish their work, whether it is farming, construction or any other activities to help those who are sick or poor. The concept was extended to motivate people to carry out all community affairs and hence i mplement many collective projects. Nafir is commonly practiced during the rainy season. During this time there is a lot of work to be done within a short period of time (July­ November). Those who have few household members usually invite the community to help them to complete their work. Some community members whose services are required all the time or at short notice, such as traders who have shops in the village, flour mill operators, midwives and health services providers are exempted from such communal work obligations. A midwife in Bara 2 explained:

' I used to participate in Nafir. I also used to travel outside our village, attending wedding or funeral and spent days away, but since I was trained as a midwife, no matter where I travel, I have to come back to my village in the same day. Moreover, I do not have to participate in the Nafir' (MW -SSI, 08/2005/ Bara2).

The practice of Nafir was socially constructed with relation to gender and other values. I observed that people very much adhere to old practices. During a mixed focus group discussion an influential village leader in Um-Ruwaba J explained his personal views on the practice of Nafir and the gender main streaming, which was employed by the project.

'Despite being a member in the ' IFAD's committee' I only invited the men to participate in the Nafir. 'You should go and help women but you can not ask them to help you ' . Yesterday, thirty-four men turned up and volunteered for three hours on my farm. Last week our neighbor, a female farmer, invited women only for Nafir. However, some people ask families, both men and women, to come but they always do it as a 'family' . To accept the project idea of having both men and women in the same committee does not mean that people have to change their entire life and old ways of doing things, especially if that was better and it does not hurt anyone' (IFL-FGD, 09/2005/Um-Ruwaba J).

In case of community activities, those who do not participate will be sanctioned and they will have to pay a fine that is determined by an association. For family and individual affairs the situation is different and even tougher for anyone to tolerate, it is neglect and exclusion. There is no discrimination here between leaders and ordinary people, rich or poor. However those who are powerful have more responsibilities. Therefore these sanctions will continue to be a threat for anyone who does not fulfill his or her obligations, no matter who they are.

'If people invite you to come for Nafir and help them on their farm or building a house, and for no reason, you did not go, next time you will not be able to invite someone to come and help you' (MF-SSI, 1 O/2005/Um-Ruwaba 4).

When talking about corruption and bad behaviors the participants always refer to men. The communities believe that women do not do bad deeds. In general for the sake of their tribe and family reputation, people usually avoid wrongdoing.

'Our society does not accept dishonest and corrupt people. If someone does something unacceptable he has to leave the village. His family always feels shame at his conduct' (ST -FGD, 1 0/2005/ Um-Ruwaba 3).

It has become apparent the discussion above that in North Kordofan the process of people's participation in community affairs is guided by local norms but also by voluntary grassroots organisations. The following section examines the representation process.

Representation: Con cepts and Organisations

Participation in community affairs is always organised and managed by local associations. People who have completed secondary school or worked as teachers have more social status and are always selected to represent the community or take part in grassroots organisations and conduct tasks that require recording and reporting. These organisations are usually formed through consultations and negotiations, a process that takes time before members of the organisation are selected. This process protects the community from tensions and conflicts. The grassroots organisations discuss community development issues whether they are about school construction or maintenance, provisions of equipment or any other activities related to drinking water, as well as organising social events. The organisations usually decide and inform people how this-or-that activity would be implemented. People participate according to their abilities. In case of marriages, people organise Nafir to build the new homes and share in the expenses. The household acts as a basis for participation in

community affairs. A member of the Village Popular Committee in Bara J explained how people carry out the community works:

'Participation in development activities is more or less a household obligation; at least someone must represent the household by attending the meetings. They also make contributions in the form of labour or input. When we have to do maintenance at the schools, we meet and decide what we will do, and how much it cost. So we ask every family to make a contribution. Some people pay more and some pay less. If what we get is not enough, we ask those who are well off to pay the rest of the cost' (MVPC-FGD, 08/20051 Bara J).

The local communities through the village-contributory system overcame some difficulties that were created by the project strategy. Some rich and wealthy people give donations to ensure the involvement of poor families in the assemblies and the project committees, a condition that will be examined in the next chapter. However, the meaning could be far beyond the understanding of external planners. The locals view the protection of the internal social fabric as more important than gaining or losing materials. For them the values of cohesiveness and oneness should not be distorted.

During the last decades the communities organised themselves in groups. They worked collectively to cope with and adapt to shocks that took place as a result of drought, fire, diseases and pests. As discussed in Chapter Three, in participatory development grassroots organisations such as committees and groups were seen to be very important. In this regard the concept of leadership is crucial.

The socio-cultural network of North Kordofan communities was functioning properly and gaining its publicity and acceptance from internal norms. Leaders could emerge from ordinary and simple people. Having wise, efficient, generous and trustful leaders (whether they are rich, powerful or not) was one of these norms and a prerequisite for the stability and security of the community. A famous saying memorised by everyone and used by many research participants is; 'those who have no kabeer should find a kabeer ' (kabeer refers to a leader, elder) and explicitly refers to a wise, humble and respectable person.

Leadership skills require qualities such as sacrifice, knowledge and communication. Apparently some families inherited leadership positions and family members are prepared for it. The research participants believed that members of grassroots organisations would not be selected unless they had something to offer such as wisdom, sincerity, power, wealth,

courage, knowledge, outside relations or the ability to negotiate. Leaders need to demonstrate that they have qualities and abilities for which they deserve to have and keep their positions.

In regards to grassroots organisations there are many associations and committees such as El­ Goodeya Council and the Native Administration, which were established to provide social and legal service, and maintain peaceful living. The next section discusses how local