Witchcraft and sorcery are perceived as the primary causes of illnesses that include different kinds of hardships. Ashforth (2005:86) pointed out that evil magic “though it is conceived and experienced in many different ways, is above all a form of human action that is driven by the emotion of hate, particularly as that emerges from jealousy and envy”. Kuper (1986:69), with regard to the Swazi-speakers, perceived the origin of witchcraft and sorcery practices in this same context. Any person is able to apply evil magic because it is presumed that most people will experience jealousy during one or various phases of their lives. Therefore, people’s first reaction when they experience an affliction of some sort is to suspect the evil activities of a witch or a sorcerer (Ashforth 2005:71; Hammond-Tooke 1989:73, 83).
Hammond-Tooke (1989:73) indicated that it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between witches and sorcerers, especially because people themselves do not always differentiate between these two concepts. Even so, he noted that these terms are more overly applicable in South Africa. Evans-Prichard in his well-known book
88
Witchcraft, oracles and magic among the Azande (1937) is usually credited for defining the anthropological distinction between witchcraft and sorcery (Buxton 1978:1). This distinction is used by various anthropologists and other researchers. For the purposes of clarity I have therefore used both concepts throughout this study (see Hammond-Tooke 1989:48, 73; see Kuper 1986:68; see Mbiti 1971:202).
The most important characteristic of witches, initially identified by Evans-Prichard (1937:387) from his studies among the Azandes, is that they are believed to have been born with the ability and the need to harm others. Niehaus (2006:78–79) referred to this same characteristic. He, however, argued in his study of the South African Lowveldt communities (in the region currently known as Mpumalanga) that it was not feasible to differentiate between a witch and a sorcerer. In one of his earlier studies he explained that even if individuals did not possess the innate ability to harm others “should they rub witchcraft substances into their blood, they could become as powerful and reckless as witches by birth” (Niehaus 2001:25). He therefore preferred to use the term witch to refer to both kinds of practitioners.
Another characteristic of witches is that they are predominantly women; however, the presence of male witches is not unheard of (Evans-Prichard 1937:387; Niehaus 2006:78). Witches also typically work at night, can become invisible, change shape and are assisted in their evil deeds by servant beings or agents referred to by anthropologists as familiars. Well-known examples of familiars are the creature that resembles a small hairy man, also described as a baboon-like creature of about knee-height, believed to have ugly teeth and pronounced sexual features, known among the Nguni-speakers as uThikoloshe and among the Pondo-speakers as thikoloòe, the lightning bird known by the Xhosa-speakers as impundulu, and a lizard-like creature known by the Pedi-speakers as motsolo (Hammond-Tooke 1989:48, 73, 75; Herselman 2000: 4; Mbiti 1971:200, 202; Niehaus 2001:50)
Witches are not obviously recognisable. During the day they are perceived as common members of the community, but at night they focus their evil deeds on neighbours and members of the extended family unit (see Ashforth 2005:13). The general assumption is that witches are active only in their community because they
89
are only able to harm those who reside in their close vicinity (Hammond-Tooke 1989: 48, 80; Müller 2011:130).
Evans-Pritchard (1937:387) explained that in contrast to witches, sorcerers are not believed to be born with the ability or a constant need to harm others. The ability to practice sorcery can be learned by anyone at any time and it is applied for a specific purpose, for example, when jealousy or other ill-feelings disturb people’s relationships. According to Hammond-Tooke (1989:78) a sorcerer’s medicines typically consist of poisons or similar medicines that can be dropped in consumables or on a victim’s path and bodily exuviae such as urine, stools, nail clippings, pieces of hair or the earth from footprints. Personal objects of this nature are believed to retain some mystical attachment to the owner. This means that when such personal objects are harmed by a sorcerer the owner will automatically be afflicted. It, however, is also possible for a sorcerer to harm someone with the use of magical words (spells) and actions (Hammond-Tooke 1989:73, 78–79; Herselman 2007:63; Mbiti 1971:200).
The practice of witchcraft and sorcery in Africa is perceived as evil and is heavily condemned because it upsets the equilibrium of a community. It does, however, provide communities with an explanation for the presence of evil among them (Herselman 2000:4). Witches and sorcerers are according to Mbiti (1971:200–201) “the most feared and hated members of their communities”. When such evil-doers are identified the reaction of community members is usually violent. Such a person could be punished through imposition of a fine, stoning, beating and even execution (Mbiti 1971:200–201; Herselman 2007:63). For example, among the Pedi-speakers, witchcraft was traditionally perceived “as a wrong, a molato, of the highest order and legally punishable with death” (Mönnig 1983:65). This kind of reaction is not something of the distant past. Niehaus (2006:93) indicated that between 1985 and 1995 more than 389 suspected witches were executed in South Africa’s Limpopo province.
To prevent illnesses caused by witchcraft and sorcery traditional healthcare practitioners make use of “[c]harms, amulets, medicines drunk or rubbed into the body, articles on the roof or in the fields, cuts, knots, and many other visible and
90
invisible, secret and open precautions” (Mbiti 1971:201). Various rituals to cleanse people and the homesteads subject to attacks by witches and sorcerers can be performed. According to Hammond-Tooke (1989:78) “because witchcraft, in particular, works only over short distances, its effects can [also] be circumvented by the victim’s moving away to another area”. Another safeguard specifically against the use of personal objects such as bodily exuviae is to bury them in a safe place such as the homestead, under the protection of the ancestor spirits (Herselman 2007:63).