Teléfonos IP y VLAN

Despite many well articulated explanations for qualitative research and the inappropriateness of employing quantitative research criteria to assess quality in qualitative work (Seale, 1999), some quantitative researchers continue to raise narrow concerns regarding the assessment of qualitative research (Mays & Pope, 2000). There are ongoing debates in academic literature about whether the concept of ―quality‖ used to assess qualitative research should be roughly the same as,

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parallel to, or quite different from that used to assess quantitative research (Spencer, Ritchie, Lewis, & Dillon, 2003).

Analysis of narratives can be seen as a highly subjective process. It may have as much to do with the quality and depth of the interpersonal exchanges generated during interviews as with any theory that might be applied to the content of the narrative (Riessman, 2008). Ultimately, reliability and validity are not necessarily the appropriate evaluative standards for narrative research (Atkinson, 1998). The emphasis of narrative analysis is on interpretation and understanding rather than replicability and statistical validity. Qualitative researchers have developed their own standards for ensuring quality in qualitative research (Seale, 1999).

Atkinson (1998) asserts that internal consistency is a core aspect of quality for narrative research. Internal consistency means that what is said in one part of the narrative should not contradict what is said in another part. Certainly, there are inconsistencies in life, and people may act one way one time and a different way at another time. Nonetheless, their stories of what happened and what they did should be consistent within the frame of reference. The narrative must make sense on its own, as a text that stands alone, to both its readers and its narrator. Internal consistency is a primary quality check that can be used by both the interviewer and the narrator to square or clarify comments with recent insights, if they appear to be different (McCracken, 1988). When inconsistencies were found in narratives, I referred to the original digital recording to verify the inconsistencies and then discussed the inconsistencies with participants. For example, when I asked the question ―What does home mean to you?‖ Tian claimed that home meant a life haven for him. However, during the interview, he stated three times that he was a person who could endure any sufferings. These statements implied inconsistency in Tian‘s narratives and that the meaning of home might not be as simple as a life haven that he described. During fangtan, when a deep trust between Tian and me had been established, I brought up this inconsistency in the discussion. Tian asserted that living with his son-in-law was not a life haven because they had not talked to each other for almost two years although they lived in a same household.

The three-interview structure helped me with establishing the internal consistency of the findings as I could check that the narratives were consistent across the three separate interviews (Seidman, 2006). Unlike the truth sought by positivist-orientated psychologists, the truth of personal narratives is neither open to

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proof nor self-evident (Murray, 1997b). In this sense, I agree with Atkinson‘s (1998) proposition that external validity is not necessary a valid measure for narrative analysis, because the researcher does not seek historical facts. The narrator‘s own experience or perspectives of what they remember as having happened is the narrative truth. In my analysis, I maintained emphasis upon internal coherence as experienced by the person, rather than external criteria of fact or validity.

Persuasion can also be used to measure whether the narrative and interpretation seem reasonable and convincing (Atkinson, 1998; Riessman, 1993). Persuasion, according to Riessman (1993), is the greatest, when theoretical claims are supported with evidence from narrative accounts and when alternative interpretations of the narrative are considered. Throughout the processes of analysis and thesis writing, I kept asking whether the story is compelling, stimulating and insightful, and whether my interpretation invites readers in an innovative way (Gergen, 1985; Lieblich et al., 1998).

The process of correspondence in which participants have the final say in the story is another standard. If the edited stories and reconstructions of data are recognised by the participants, as Atkinson (1998) and Riessman (1993) have proclaimed, the credibility is increased. Three strategies were employed during the process of correspondence in the current study. First, I verbally presented summarised interpretations of the quotes in Chinese to the participants concerned during fangtan or via telephone. I asked the participants to assess how the quotes fitted together and what sense the interpretations made to them. All participants confirmed or supported what was summarised and many supplemented their stories with new information. For example, Wei added that growing Chinese vegetable was a means for her to communicate with her kiwi neighbours (see Chapter 6). Those supplements were of invaluable help in interpreting the data. Second, I conducted verification presentations for groups of older Chinese immigrants. I elaborated what I had found and sought their feedback on whether the findings fitted or did not fit with their experiences. Overall, the presentation attendees confirmed the findings as they had emerged and are described in this thesis. Those verification presentations helped me further elaborate and interpret the data, and served as additional evidence for data validation. Third, along with those more formally structured presentations, in dozens of instances, I talked informally about my findings with older Chinese people who I met in public and private meetings. These conversations were likewise supportive of my findings. The processes of correspondence offered me

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opportunities to find out what participants thought of my work. The participants‘ responses and comments often were a source of theoretical insights. I view this afterlife of the research to be as informative as the research per se.

In the next four chapters, I will present analyses and interpretations of stories collected through the narrative interviews. I will show that to understand a story is to capture not only how the unfolding of events is described, but also the network of relationships and meanings attached to the narrative (Jovchelovitch & Bauer, 2000). I will demonstrate how older Chinese migrants (re)construct their Chinese and New Zealand identities in the contexts of immigration and ageing.

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