MARCO TEÓRICO
4. Sánchez, L (2006) En “Diseño de sesión de aprendizaje
2.2. BASES TEORICAS-CIENTÍFICAS:
2.2.6. Teorías sobre la creatividad
Olive jar-type botija material recovered from securely dated shipwrecks from the 16th century is far less abundant than that of the 17th and 18th centuries, and is limited to the second half of the century. In spite of scarce archaeological evidence, and because of the direct lineage of the jars from Mediterranean amphoras, it would be fruitless to attempt to assign a specific starting date for forms. It is doubtful whether three entirely new styles of jars suddenly replaced the “Early Style” two handled cantimplora as has been suggested by Goggin (Goggin, 1960:8). Similar jars were already a working part of the coastal society from which they developed, and similar forms have been recovered from shipwrecks of remote antiquity.
The half century following Columbus undoubtedly saw the refinement of the process of oceanic trade, and the equipment necessary to maintain it. The three types of olive jar- type botijas concentrated on in this study (Goggin Middle Style Type A, B, and C), were most probably the adaptive result of the requirements of that trade and thus evolved naturally from existing traditions. Lack of olive jar-type botijas and recovered ship wrecks from the first half of the 16th century, however, have made it difficult to assess the evolution of jar forms in that crucial phase of exploration. Some olive jar-type botija material has been recovered from the Molasses Reef wreck, but although it may be early, the site remains insecurely dated (Keith, 1987: 241).
Reasons for the lack of archaeological evidence and an absence of shipwrecks which include olive jar-type material, may simply be due to the process and evolution of trade. Not until the period of 1541 to 1550 did the American mainland port of Nombre de Dios (Portobéllo) reach the 100,000 tonelada mark in Spanish traffic (Chaunu and Chaunu, 1957; 6 (7): 95). For the first part of the century, the majority of trade was directed at the
small colonial outposts in the Indies and in discovering the new avenues of wealth lying in wait on the unexplored mainland. As the rate of migration and colonisation increased, and resources were used to support the colonists, an entire industry was reborn from the massive colonisation efforts. As the need for supplying the growing hundreds and thousands who chose not to return from their Atlantic crossing increased, the pressures for finding suitable containers in which to deliver the diets of their homeland increased.
Quite possibly the great demand for ceramic containers was not realised until the end ofthe 16th century. It has been argued that a lack of forest products (Fairbanks, 1972:143) nourished a resurgence of ceramic dependence in the latter part of the 16th century, as the demand for ships timbers would have been exhaustive to the Andalusian province. Even if this were the case, in the latter half of the 16th century barrels and casks may have been the preferred containers for holding commodities as barrel hoops were prolific on the 1554 sites (Skowronek, 1987:106; from Arnold and Weddle, 1978:28,29; and McDonald and Arnold, 1979). Also of note is the almost complete exclusion of olive jar-type botijas from the mid-16th century Basque whaler wrecks in Red Bay Labrador (ibid. from G.Gusset, 1986 pers. comm, to Skowronek).
In analysing the collections from the Spanish Armada of 1588 Martin(1979) found that the finds exhibited a wide variety of wares now believed to be typical of Spanish ships with official or “quasi-official” origins, although some of the most typical ceramic tra ditions were absent. Most specifically, and addressed by Martin (1979:284), is the omission of large Type A jars which predominate on shipwrecks in the Americas. Because the main commodities (biscuit, wine, bacon, cheese, tunny fish, salt beef, rice, beans, chick peas and garlic) were accounted in quintales,fanegas, or pipas, and were presumably contained in sacks or casks (Martin, 1979:283), the absence of the Type A jars {botija peruleras) is understandable.
OLIVE JAR-TYPE BOTIJAS
In comparison with Spanish wrecks of the early 17th century which are rich in olive jar-type botija remains, what seems to be a lesser dependence on the jars is evident in earlier wrecks. Relative scarcity of 16th century specimens, however, may also be related to the specific environments of their post wreck depositions. The earliest olive jar-type botija sherds from a dateable shipwreck context are those from the 1554 Wrecks off of Padre Island. It is however noteworthy that from three large cargo vessels relatively few olive jar-type botija rims were recovered. It was reported that 7 "thickened " rim sherds and 8 Early Style rims were recovered with 718 unglazed and 21 glazed sherds (Skowronek, 1987:104). This may be because few were on board as discussed, or it may be due to the fact that the wrecks had been salvaged in both historic and recent times, in addition to lying in a dynamic shallow-water environment.
Archival research has recorded the presence of jars which fit the profile of olive jar- type botijas as far back as 1509 and shipping registers list several variations in terminology which include: jarras, botijas, jarras de medio arroba, jarreticas, botijas de media azumbre, botijas de I arroba, botijas de medio arroba, botijas de cuartilla, jarretas, botijas de cuarta, botijas de cuartillo, jarros, botijas de a cuarto (Lister and Lister, 1987: Appendix 2:311 - 313; from the Diego Colon Flota from Sevilla, 1509 after Otté, 1964:482 -488,490-93,495-502). As this register is only 17 years after the initial voyage of discovery, it seems safe to assume that at least two versions of the three Goggin types existed in some form for the majority of the colonial period.
In ship registers dated 1542,1546,1548, 1549,1550,1567,1572, 1574, and 1580, (ibid: 314) the terms botija, botija perulera, and botijas of i/2 arroba or medio arroba have almost exclusively replaced earlier name variations. Made quite clear in the registers is the approximate capacities of the vessels: the larger holding one arroba and
---1 — ■' - V the smaller holding i/2 arroba. Unfortunately, the only archaeological specimen available for recording from the ^ ^ — middle of the century was the one rim example from the Padre
Fig 4 8 Rim from 1554 Island wrecks of 1554 (described in the section on rims) and pictured again (Fig. 4.8). As this is the only example from this time period, caution must be exercised when trying to define a specific type, although it could well be an important transitionary form, moving from a classic Type 1 flared rim to the more common thickened rims found on later vessels.
Fig. 4.9. Olive jar-type botijas. 1588. Scale H4. (after Martin).
At the end of the 16th century, two complete finds from the wreck of the Trinidad Valencera of the Spanish Armada of 1588 are the earliest securely dated complete olive jar-type botijas known to this researcher. Fig. 4.9 (from Martin, 1979:280; # l.TV) No. A is a “complete jar of reddish-buff grey-cored fabric with light external slip and dark
OUVE JAR-TYPE BOTIJAS
grey lining, probably a resinous sealing compound. Height 0.30 m, maximum diameter 0.235 m. Capacity 6.25 litres.”(ibid.). As discussed previously, the slip appearance is probably a result of the firing process. The rim is a Type 3, with the characteristic “V” shaped opening fashioned for a cork. The “resinous sealing compound” is likely from the pitch used to seal the cork. Example number B, on the top right, is the shoulder and rim section from the same wreck reported to have a light green glaze of similar fabric to the first example(ibid.). The partial jar on the bottom right, no. C, is similar to the first sample although there is no evidence of a “resinous lining” (ibid.)
Fig. 4.10 is another complete 7/2 arroba botija recovered after Martin’s publication. Height is 306 mm. Maximum width is 248mm. Rim diameter is 60 mm. Max. rim width 85mm. The reddish-buff exterior paste is similar to Martin’s Fig.l.TV p. 281 (ibid). The jar is slightly larger than the other example with a capacity of 7.1 litres.
Fig. 4.10. Armada H2 arroba botija.
F ig. 4.11. (from Martin) Rim forms from the Spanish Armada, number A is an example of a Type 5 rim possibly associated with flat-bottomed botijas and discussed later. It may, however, be a Type 1 rim from an “Early Style” jar (Goggin, 1960) as described by Martin (ibid.). The reddish-buff grey cored fabric with slip-like appearance are more closely paralleled to the flat bottomed jars. At odds with this conclusion is the absence
s
Fig. 4.11. Rims from the Spanish Armada.(cfter Martin).
Fig. 4.12. Spanish Armada
of the round disc bot toms not recovered from the Armada wrecks and associ ated with the Type 5 rims which are pres ent in quantity on a wreck from the 17th century. Numbers B and C on the bottom left are Type 3 rims of similar paste, with number C showing signs of a light internal glaze (Mar tin, 1979: 281). Number D is re ported to have an “olive green inter nal glaze” (ibid.) Number B, the middle left rim, has no signs of a glaze although example F has an internal “olive green glaze” ( all examples are from the Trinidad Valencera)(ihid.).
Fig. 4.12 Number A is reported to have a pinkish external slip (ibid.). Number B is the only published example from the Santa Maria de la Rosa, and is of reddish-buff fabric
OUVE JAR-TYPE BOTIJAS
with a light slip-like appearance inside and out. The bottom jar is of a reddish-brown grey-cored fabric with a slip-like appearance on the exterior with an internal olive green glaze (ibid.), also from the Trinidad Valencera .
Fig. 4.13 (from Martin) Is a basal sherd comprised of three pieces of reddish-buff grey cored fabric with a light slip appearance on the exterior and a darker slip appearance on the exterior(ibid.). The scar running around the exterior of the jar and described as a “mould flash” is now thought to be a chuck scar from holding the jar upright after an upside down throwing process.
Fig. 4.13. Basal sherd from 1588. After Martin. Scale H2.
The earliest examples of Type A jars known to this researcher are from the late 16th century wreck off Bermuda and now in the collection of Harry Cox.
Fig. 4.14 (Plate 4.1, left) A late 16th century intact botija perulera. Globular form with wide shoulders sloping to a rounded base. Surface paste has visible mineral inclusions with no evidence of a glaze. Exterior is buff to off-white in colour giving the familial*
Fig. 4.14. Botija perulera late 16th century.
Fig.4.15. (Plate 4.1, right) A late 16th century intact botija perulera. Similar to the above jar although exterior paste is more tan in colour. The jar has three vertical slashes on the rim which may be evidence of an incised mark al though they may be natural abrasions. Height is 441mm. Max. width is 316mm. Rim diameter is 75mm. Max. rim width is 109mm. Volume is 18.2 litres.
“white slip appearance”. Exterior is well smoothed, although turning marks are visible. The jar is more squat than the later varieties with the rim slightly more compressed. Height is 437mm. Max. width is 307mm. Rim diameter 65mm. Rim width 106mm. Volume is 17.5 lit res.