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aspects found that the respective perceptions did not correspond (see Wesely, 2012). Therefore, in the following section, we take a closer look at pupils’ perceptions of linguistic diversity and their possible impact on school achievement, as this might be different from the teachers’ perceptions and their impact.

As Oliver and Purdie (1998) remind us, children – just like adults – are strongly influenced by their ‘significant others’, which include friends and family but also their school peers, teachers and the general school environment. Therefore, it should not surprise that the learning environment plays a crucial role in pupils’ attitudes, perceptions and beliefs about themselves as language learners. When those attitudes, perceptions and beliefs are positive, they generally engender positive outcomes of enjoyment and achievement, and this shows in proficiency measures or grades (Brantmeier, 2005; Donato, Tucker, Wudthayagorn & Igarashi, 2000; Graham, 2004; Mills, Pajares & Herron, 2006, 2007). Moreover, pupils’ language attitudes constitute important motivational factors in language learning. As Gardner (1979) demonstrated, (second) language attitudes reflect the learner’s identification with the language, its culture and its speakers. The strength of this identification determines the process of attitude formation and the strength of learning motivation.

Multicultural beliefs & attitudes towards language groups

When examining pupils’ language attitudes and perceptions of linguistic diversity, it is important to bear in mind that identity construction in bilingual learners is of a more complex nature than traditional ascriptions of membership in linguistic and ethnic communities (Leung, Harris & Rampton, 1997 in Dagenais & Day, 1999). According to Vasquez, Pease-Alvarez & Shannon (1994, in Dagenais &

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Day, 1999) bilingual children construct their identities and communication styles by merging their knowledge of language conventions and cultural norms across their languages.

Furthermore, it is useful to reflect on pupils’ attitudes towards different language groups. As mentioned earlier, classmates constitute an important social reference group for pre-adolescent pupils (Thijs & Verkuyten, 2013). When it comes to group membership in young children, the simple fact of being part of a group triggers less positive attitudes towards the out-group (Nesdale, Lawson, Durkin & Duffy, 2010 in Navarro-Villarroel, 2011). Consequently, in-group norms are paramount for pupils’ out-group attitudes (Abrams, Rutland & Cameron, 2003; Abrams, Rutland, Pelletier & Ferrell, 2009; Nesdale, 2008). In their study concerning the relation between classmates’ multicultural beliefs and pupils’ ethnic attitudes, Thijs and Verkuyten (2013) found that classmates’ multicultural beliefs had a ‘negative but marginally significant relationship with pre-adolescents’ in-group attitude’ and ‘a positive and stronger relationship with children’s out-group attitude’ (p. 183). In addition, it appeared that older native pupils are less in favour of minorities maintaining their own cultures than younger ones (Gieling, Thijs & Verkuyten, 2010, 2011). This suggests that older native pupils are more concerned about minorities forming a threat to the society (Thijs & Verkuyten, 2013).

Language attitudes & contexts

When it comes to pupils’ attitudes towards their own languages, the findings of Oliver and Purdie (1998) suggest that they vary in function of the different contexts in which the pupils evolve. For instance, no significant differences were found between pupils’ attitudes towards their mother tongue and towards the majority language (in this case, English) in the home context. However, in both the class and the playground context, pupils felt significantly more positive about the majority language than about their mother tongue. Interestingly, it appeared that pupils perceived their teachers and peers to prefer the use of English in all contexts, especially in the classroom. On the other hand, pupils perceived their parents to prefer English in the classroom context, but the mother tongue in the home context. Although this applied for the three ethnic groups studied, this was even more strongly the case for the Arabic-speaking pupils compared to the pupils of European and Asian groups. These findings recall what we discussed previously concerning the role of the setting (section 2.3.2). Once more, this illustrates the interrelatedness of all the discussed variables and it predicts the difficulties in considering each of these in isolation from one another. Another difference in attitudes was noted between shorter-term and longer-term residents, as pupils who had been residents for three years or less carried equally positive attitudes towards their mother tongue and the dominant language, whilst pupils who had been residents for four years or more felt more positive about the majority language (Oliver & Purdie, 1998).

Local versus immigrant pupils’ language attitudes

As Ibarraran, Lasagabaster and Sierra (2008) note, most of the studies enquiring into pupils’ attitudes towards multilingualism tend to focus on majority or compulsory languages rather than on immigrant or minority languages. Therefore, the authors investigated local and immigrant pupils’ attitudes towards Spanish (national language), Basque (official minority language), English (foreign language) and immigrant pupils’ mother tongues in Basque high schools with linguistic model A. These are schools where Spanish is the vehicular language and Basque is regarded as any other

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school subject, taught for a limited number of hours – this in contrast to model B (where both Spanish and Basque constitute vehicular languages) and model D (where Basque is the vehicular language and Spanish is seen as just another subject). The authors observed that immigrant pupils tend to opt massively for the first linguistic model (where general attitudes towards Basque are quite poor), as Spanish is the language they need most to function socially. Similar results were obtained in Catalonia by Bernaus, Masgoret, Gardner and Reyes (2004). In their study, Ibarraran et al. (2008) found that the attitudes towards the Basque minority language are negative no matter the group (local or immigrant) or the mother tongue of the immigrant students (Spanish or others). The attitudes towards Spanish on the other hand are highly positive in the case of both groups. The attitudes towards the foreign language English lie somewhere in the middle of those two extremes: not as negative as Basque nor as favourable as Spanish. Somewhat remarkably, the authors note more negative attitudes among the local students than among the immigrants. Either way, the motivation for English appears to be highly instrumental due to its role as a lingua franca and its usefulness in getting a job. Finally, the attitudes of immigrant pupils towards their mother tongue appeared highly positive. Many pupils even called for the presence of these languages in school. However, as pointed out by Ibarraran et al. (2008), the European Commission does not seem to take this into account.

Interestingly, Agirdag (2010) in his study of bilingualism in monolingual Flemish schools, found that pupils overall, native-monolinguals as well as immigrant-bilinguals, are not always conscious of the benefits of bilingualism. Strikingly, all pupils stress the importance and supposed advantages of proficiency in the dominant language, whereas none mention the well-known and documented advantages of bilingualism. This indicates a state of “doxa” or accepted language dominance, as immigrant-bilinguals themselves agree that Dutch is more important for educational success than their mother tongue.

Bilingual education

As numerous studies have established, bilingual education, which explicitly integrates minority languages rather than banishing them, enables minority language pupils to improve in many aspects of their school performance (Bialystok, 2001; Cummins, 1979b; Díaz, 1985; Hakuta, 1987; Lindholm- Leary, 2001). As discussed earlier, this builds on the observation that first language development fosters higher achievement in the second language. Moreover, Navarro-Villarroel (2011) reports more positive attitudes towards both languages in pupils in two-way immersion programs, compared to pupils in monolingual submersion programs. Although we know little about how bilingual instruction influences pupils’ attitudes towards different language groups, Wright and Tropp (2005) suggest that the teachers’ use of the minority language contributes to improving the majority group’s attitudes towards that language.

Documenting language attitudes of three immigrant pupils in French immersion in Canada, Dagenais and Day (1999) observe that these pupils seem to have developed ‘a positive view of themselves, believing that they have acquired a certain prestige by speaking three languages’ (p. 113). Two of the pupils indeed qualified their trilingualism as an asset or advantage and as being ‘pretty cool’, however, the third pupil also revealed some tension in reconciling his identity as a child of immigrant

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parents. Remarkably, his perception of how classmates viewed his oral English fed on his feelings of difference, but did not stop him from believing his friends have a positive view of multilinguals. Futility & well-being: impact on achievement

So far, we have thus found no direct impact of pupils’ perceptions of linguistic diversity on school achievement in academic literature. It is striking that the focus in literature is often on (language) attitudes regarding foreign language classes and therefore often in higher education, rather than in education in general. Moreover, it seems that studies of pupils’ attitudes, perceptions and beliefs in secondary education are particularly scarce (Wesely, 2012), whilst it has been pointed out before that these kinds of studies ‘are so necessary’ (Manzanos & Ruiz de Pinedo, 2005, p. 8 in Ibarraran et al. 2008: ‘as students in secondary education are in adolescence, a time of searching for an identity and a critical period in their formation which may have an impact on attitudes towards languages, and especially so, in the case of minority languages (see Baker, 1992)’ (Ibarraran et al, 2008, p. 330)).

Although little is known about how pupils’ perceptions of linguistic diversity impacts on academic achievement, as discussed in the previous section, we know that teachers may have an indirect impact on school achievement through pupils’ beliefs of academic futility (Agirdag et al., 2013). We also know that social-emotional well-being of pupils is an important predictor of pupils’ academic achievement (Validiv Consortium, 2011). The question remains whether those beliefs of academic futility and pupils’ social-emotional well-being are related to pupils’ home languages. Based on the SIPEF-data we can assume an impact of pupils’ home language on their well-being, as these data show an increased sense of futility, less belonging to school and less self-esteem for non-native speakers of Dutch (SIPEF-data in Validiv Consortium, 2011). Lenaers (2008) agrees that home language is an important factor that has a negative influence on both achievement and well-being. However Lenaers (2008) also points out that, above all, gender and grade explain the variance in well-being. Most interesting are the findings of the PISA-research concerning indicators of well-being (OESO in Lenaers, 2008). It appears the self-concept – that is one’s belief in one’s own academic abilities – of immigrant pupils is similar to that of natives, or even higher when taking into account pupils’ socioeconomic status. Besides, Lenaers (2008) also stresses that immigrant pupils rather find well-being in the social aspects of school, whereas native pupils find them in educational achievement aspects.

Effects of multilingual awareness activities

Considering the importance of well-being and the lack of pupils’ knowledge regarding bilingualism and its advantages, a number of researchers have pleaded for an increase in multilingual awareness among teachers, but among pupils as well (Agirdag, 2010; Garcia, 2008; Ibarraran et al., 2008; Validiv Consortium, 2011). In the following section, we take a closer look at the possible effects of increased multilingual awareness on pupils’ perceptions and their school achievement.

Thijs and Verkuyten (2013) note that native pupils were less positive about the in-group when they perceived their teachers positively value interethnic relations and reject ethnic discrimination. The authors therefore conclude that teachers may instill a less parochial outlook on the own dominant culture in majority pupils, by underscoring the importance of respect for diversity. Kennedy, Nelson,

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Odell and Austin (2000) found that pupils participating in a primary school foreign language program showed more positive attitudes about school, learning, language, culture and self. Oliver and Purdie (1998) on the other hand, surprisingly found that pupils who had not received English as second language held more positive feeling towards English in the classroom, than those who had received this help, although both groups felt the same as to L1 in this situation.

In their extensive evaluation report on language awareness, Frijns et al. (2011) conclude that language awareness activities seem to have the most positive effects in pupils on the level of the attitudes towards language diversity and knowledge about language. This is particularly useful for pupils who have been raised in monolingual environments, as well for weaker pupils. However the largest positive effects appear in bilingual or multilingual pupils, especially when their home languages and multilingual identity are valued in class. Language awareness activities motivate pupils to learn foreign languages, but the research does not demonstrate an effect on language learning itself. As for the development of metalinguistic and metacognitive competences, the study displays mixed results. It is likely that more specific, intense, contemplative activities are needed to obtain positive effects. Finally, the authors point out that a minimum number of hours is required to ensure lasting positive effects in pupils (for a detailed overview, see Frijns et al., 2011).

In the intervention project ‘Home language in Education’, teachers noticed different positive changes in pupils’ attitudes and behaviour as a result of the integration of pupils’ home languages in the learning process (Sierens & Ramaut, 2013). For instance, pupils displayed more tolerance towards other pupils’ language, they showed more involvement in learning activities, appeared more conscious of the various codes they use and switched more easily. Although the evaluation study did not find positive cognitive effects of the intervention project, Ramaut et al. (2013) stress that this also means that the integration of pupils’ home languages did not result in negative effects on achievement. Considering the positive non-cognitive effects that were found in pupils, such as higher self-confidence and well-being, this intervention certainly constitutes an educational improvement. Furthermore, immersive programs such as STIMOB (Stimulerend Meertalig Onderwijs in Brussel) – where content is rehearsed in the target language, in this case French – or Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) – where a part of the curriculum is taught in the target language – have proven to engender very positive attitudes and high motivation in pupils (see Van de Craen, Ceuleers & Alain, 2005; Van de Craen et al., 2010).

De percepties van leerkrachten, zoals besproken in de vorige sectie, komen niet noodzakelijk overeen met die van leerlingen. Zo blijkt dat de percepties van leerlingen ten opzichte van hun talen variëren naargelang de setting, bijvoorbeeld tussen klas, speelplaats en thuis. Er is echter weinig onderzoek naar de samenhang van leerlingpercepties op talige diversiteit met schoolprestaties. Onderzoek naar percepties van leerlingen spitst zich vooral toe op onderwijs van vreemde talen, meestal in het hoger onderwijs. Vooral in het secundair onderwijs is er een gebrek aan onderzoek op dit vlak. Mogelijk bestaat er wel een indirect verband tussen leerlingpercepties en prestaties door het effect van leerkrachtverwachtingen op percepties en welbevinden van leerlingen. Wanneer de thuistalen van leerlingen positief worden ingezet, heeft dit een positieve invloed op attitudes en welbevinden van leerlingen.

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