Conclusiones

La teoría de la justicia de Rawls ha sido ampliamente criticada por diversos motivos. En su obra Justice as Fairness: a Restatement (2001), Rawls busca aclarar algunos de estos puntos. Uno de ellos es el uso del criterio de maximin en la posición original. La crítica consistía en que la selección de los principios de justicia con base en este criterio suponía que los agentes se comportaran de manera racional (a diferencia de razonable) con una alta aversión al riesgo. Estos supuestos de comportamiento pare- cían muy restrictivos y sesgados respecto a los dos principios de justicia rawlsianos. En su versión revisada de la teoría de la justicia, Rawls aclara que el maximin es sólo un artificio heurístico sin reales consecuencias so- bre los supuestos de comportamiento de su teoría.

Suponiendo que podemos aceptar esta revisión, Rawls estaría flexi- bilizando su teoría. Con una estructura menos exigente, estaría entonces acercándose a la posición de Smith, donde los supuestos de comportamien- to son poco restrictivos. Así, un individuo simpático busca formar parte de la sociedad como un miembro respetado y reconocido, pero no maximizando su utilidad o minimizando sus pérdidas esperadas sino a través de una comunicación afectiva cuya única condición es reconocer a un semejante en el otro.

El sistema de la simpatía de Smith propone un mecanismo de coordi- nación y de elección de reglas sociales, en general, y de justicia, en particu- lar, no sólo respetuoso de la autonomía y de la libertad individual sino también del contexto. Propone un mecanismo de coordinación basado en la comunicación afectiva entre miembros de una sociedad que permite estable- cer y renovar las reglas de comportamiento que garantizan la estabilidad y el cambio social. En este sentido, la teoría de Smith responde a los criterios de una teoría de la justicia puramente procedimental, no comprensiva y plura- lista.

Sin duda, al comparar a Smith con Rawls, la teoría del primero da mucho menos espacio a la actividad política como tal y al debate público de concepciones del bien. La privatización de la moral implica en cierta medida que los seres humanos dan prioridad a su carácter de individuos por sobre el de ciudadanos. No por esto Smith admite que haya mayores amenazas a la estabilidad o al orden social. Smith no ve un riesgo en la libertad indivi- dual. Lo ve, por el contrario, en el amor a un sistema, en las visiones cons- tructivistas que buscan diseñar las instituciones según una visión particu- lar. En este sentido, la teoría de Smith se opone no solamente al utilitarismo, sino también a los resultados de la teoría de la justicia como equidad.

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the Concertación may well dissolve before Chile’s next election, but not for the reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on the structure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricably with Chile’s unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertación’s demise point out that the Chilean economy has slowed somewhat since the coalition’s early years in government during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initially galvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and 1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivation might naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertación, and even its component parties —most notably the Christian Democrats— are internally divided over social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birth control. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertación will have held the presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative house elected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multiparty coalitions anywhere, much less among Latin America’s presidential systems, the Concertación is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneous corruption charges against members, including the stripping of parliamentary rights from five of the coalition’s deputies in 2002, and the general disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for so long. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeed undermine the Concertación, but we do not regard these factors as necessarily devastating to the coalition’s survival for a number of reasons.

In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five years in far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, and employment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. The Concertación may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for good economic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non- democratic legacy of the Pinochet era —including the renowned

110 ESTUDIOS PÚBLICOS

REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS

a) Abreviaciones y referencias de las obras citadas de Adam Smith

RN La Riqueza de las Naciones

[WN, The Wealth of Nations].

TSM La Teoría de los Sentimientos Morales.

[TMS, The Theory of Moral Sentiments].

Las referencias incluyen las divisiones y párrafo(s) de las ediciones de Oxford University Press (basadas a su vez en la edición emprendida por la Universidad de Glasgow), seguidas por las página(s) correspondientes de las siguientes ediciones en castellano:

(RN) Indagación acerca de la Naturaleza y las Causas de la Riqueza de las Naciones [1776]. Traducción de Amando Lázaro Ros. Madrid: Aguilar, 1961.

(TSM) La Teoría de los Sentimientos Morales [1759)]. Traducción de Carlos Rodríguez Braun. Madrid: Alianza, 1997.

b) Otros autores citados

Bentham, J.: Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation. Oxford:

Clarendon Press, [1789] 1996.

———— “Table of the Spring of Actions” [1817]. En Amnon Goldworth (ed.), Deontology Together with a Table of the Springs of Action and Article on Utilitarianism. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983a.

———— “Article on Utilitarianism”. En Amnon Goldworth (ed.), Deontology Together with a Table of the Springs of Action and Article on Utilitarianism.

Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983b.

Buchanan, J. M.: “The Justice of Natural Liberty”. En Journal of Legal Studies, Vol. 5, Nº 1 (1976), pp. 1-16.

Constant, B.: “The Liberty of the Ancients Compared with that of the Moderns”

[1820]. En B. Constant, Political Writings. B. Fontana (ed.). Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 2000.

Fleischacker, S.: A Third Concept of Liberty: Judgement and Freedom in Kant and Adam Smith. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999.

———— On Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations: A Philosophical Companion.

Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004.

Harsanyi, J.: “Morality and the Theory of Rational Behavior”. En A. Sen y B.

Williams (eds.), Utilitarianism and Beyond. Gran Bretaña: Cambridge University Press, 1982.

Lengaigne, B.: Rawls et l’Utilitarisme Classique: Une Vision Parétienne. Manuscrito.

Mandle, J.: “Book Review, Justice as Fairness: A Restatement”. En Utilitas, Vol. 14, Nº 2 (2002), pp. 265-268.

Montes, L.: Adam Smith in Context: A Critical Reassessment of Some Central Components of his Thought. New York: Palgrave, Macmillan, 2004.

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T

Introduction

he demise of Chile’s Concertación coalition has been predicted often over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even the coalition’s leaders have issued premature announcements of its death (Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers of Chilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertación as both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event –that is, as the product of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it is impossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion that the Concertación may well dissolve before Chile’s next election, but not for the reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on the structure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricably with Chile’s unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertación’s demise point out that the Chilean economy has slowed somewhat since the coalition’s early years in government during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initially galvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and 1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivation might naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertación, and even its component parties —most notably the Christian Democrats— are internally divided over social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birth control. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertación will have held the presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative house elected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multiparty coalitions anywhere, much less among Latin America’s presidential systems, the Concertación is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneous corruption charges against members, including the stripping of parliamentary rights from five of the coalition’s deputies in 2002, and the general disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for so long. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeed undermine the Concertación, but we do not regard these factors as necessarily devastating to the coalition’s survival for a number of reasons.

In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five years in far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, and employment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. The Concertación may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for good economic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non- democratic legacy of the Pinochet era —including the renowned

JIMENA HURTADO 111

Rawls, J.: “Two Concepts of Rules”. En Philosophical Review, Vol. 64 Nº 1 (1955), pp.

3-32.

———— “Justice as Fairness”. En Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 54 Nº 2 (1957), pp.

653-662.

———— Teoría de la Justicia [1971]. Traducción de M. D. González. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1985.

———— “Concepts of Distributional Equity. Some Reasons for the Maximin Criterion”. En American Economic Review, Vol. 64 Nº 2 (1974), Papers and Proceedings of the Eighty-sixth Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association.

———— “Social Unity and Primary Goods”. En A. Sen y B. Williams (eds), Utilitarianism and Beyond. Gran Bretaña: Cambridge University Press, 1982.

———— “Justice as Fairness. Political not Metaphysical”. En Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, Vol. 14 Nº 3 (1985), pp. 223-251.

———— Liberalismo Político [1993]. Traducción de S. R. Madero. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, Facultad de Derecho UNAM, 1996.

———— Justices as Fairness: A Restatement. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001.

Sen, A.: Development as Freedom. Nueva York: Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1999.

Sen, A., y B. Williams (eds): Utilitarianism and Beyond. Gran Bretaña: Cambridge University Press, 1982.

Viner, J.: “Adam Smith and Laissez-faire”. En Journal of Political Economy, 35, abril (1927), pp. 198-232.

Von Villiez, C.: “Double Standard-Naturally! Smith and Rawls: A Comparison of Methods”. En E. Schliesser y L. Montes (eds.), New Voices on Adam Smith.

Londres: Routledge, 2006, pp.189-226.

Young, J.: Economics as a Moral Science: The Political Economy of Adam Smith.

Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 1997.

www .cepchile.cl

the Concertación may well dissolve before Chile’s next election, but not for the reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on the structure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricably with Chile’s unusual electoral rules.

Harbingers of the Concertación’s demise point out that the Chilean economy has slowed somewhat since the coalition’s early years in government during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initially galvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and 1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivation might naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertación, and even its component parties —most notably the Christian Democrats— are internally divided over social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birth control. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertación will have held the presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative house elected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multiparty coalitions anywhere, much less among Latin America’s presidential systems, the Concertación is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneous corruption charges against members, including the stripping of parliamentary rights from five of the coalition’s deputies in 2002, and the general disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for so long. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.

Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeed undermine the Concertación, but we do not regard these factors as necessarily devastating to the coalition’s survival for a number of reasons.

In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five years in far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, and employment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. The Concertación may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for good economic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non- democratic legacy of the Pinochet era —including the renowned

Estudios Públicos, 104 (primavera 2006).

ENSAYO