EL ESTADO Y LOS PARTICULARES EN LA EDUCACIÓN CHILENA, 1888-1920 1
6. Consideraciones Finales
A lo largo de estas páginas hemos visto aspectos importantes de la relación entre el Estado y los particulares en la educación primaria y secun- daria, entre los años 1888-1920. Nuestro principal objetivo ha sido recons- truir los espacios —públicos y privados— en que se relacionaban los dife- rentes actores de la enseñanza nacional y, con ello, confirmar que el origen del vínculo entre ambos sectores es anterior a lo que comúnmente se cree.
Es cierto que el poder estatal era bastante hegemónico en muchas de las áreas analizadas. Sin embargo, también es efectivo que los privados juga- ban un papel de relevancia en el mercado escolar; no sólo en el sosteni- miento de escuelas y colegios, sino también en la discusión ideológica lle- vada a cabo en la prensa y en el Congreso Nacional.
Esas dos fuentes corroboran que el gran causante de las diferencias entre los particulares católicos y los agentes estatales era la relación Iglesia- Estado y sus posiciones antagónicas ante el avance de la laicización de la educación. Ahora bien, ¿eliminó aquel antagonismo cualquier posibilidad de
171 Toda la información correspondiente al Título III de la Ley puede encon- trarse en ibídem, pero también en RIP, año XL, número 7 y 8, Santiago, septiembre y octubre de 1920, pp. 444-447.
2 ESTUDIOS PÚBLICOS
www .cepchile.cl
T
Introduction
he demise of Chile’s Concertación coalition has been predicted often over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even the coalition’s leaders have issued premature announcements of its death (Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers of Chilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertación as both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event –that is, as the product of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it is impossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion that the Concertación may well dissolve before Chile’s next election, but not for the reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on the structure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricably with Chile’s unusual electoral rules.
Harbingers of the Concertación’s demise point out that the Chilean economy has slowed somewhat since the coalition’s early years in government during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initially galvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and 1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivation might naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertación, and even its component parties —most notably the Christian Democrats— are internally divided over social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birth control. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertación will have held the presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative house elected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multiparty coalitions anywhere, much less among Latin America’s presidential systems, the Concertación is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneous corruption charges against members, including the stripping of parliamentary rights from five of the coalition’s deputies in 2002, and the general disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for so long. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.
Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeed undermine the Concertación, but we do not regard these factors as necessarily devastating to the coalition’s survival for a number of reasons.
In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five years in far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, and employment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. The Concertación may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for good economic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non- democratic legacy of the Pinochet era —including the renowned
JUAN LUIS OSSA 95
negociación? Como vimos, en ciertas ocasiones el pragmatismo podía ser más fuerte que las posturas ideológicas extremas, ya fuera en materia curri- cular, legislativa o económica, y que, por lo tanto, las doctrinas —como el liberalismo— podían ser instrumentales, esto es, coyunturales y concilia- doras.
Con todo, no cabe duda que la lucha protagonizada por radicales, liberales y conservadores en esas décadas fue la antesala de más de alguna de las reformas educacionales de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. En ese sentido, no debe extrañar que un gobierno católico como el de Eduardo Frei Montalva pusiera término a la “examinación oficial”, como tampoco que la influencia de los políticos decimonónicos —en su vertiente estatista o reli- giosa— se proyectara sobre más de algún educador, economista o político desde 1970 hasta la fecha.
REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS
Anderson, Benedict: Comunidades Imaginadas. Reflexiones sobre el Origen y la Difusión del Nacionalismo. Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2000.
Baeza, Andrés: “La Dimensión Educacional de la Crisis del Centenario en Chile.
Modernización, Nacionalismo y Reforma”. Tesis de Licenciatura para optar al grado de Licenciado en Historia en la Universidad Católica de Chile, 2006.
Inédita.
———— “La Muerte de José Manuel Balmaceda. ...El Sacrificio Es lo Único que Queda al Honor del Caballero”. En varios autores, XIX. Historias del Siglo XIX Chileno. Santiago: Ediciones B, 2006.
Barros Arana, Diego: Historia General de Chile, tomo XV. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, DIBAM, 2005.
———— Un Decenio de la Historia de Chile, (1841-1851), tomo I. Santiago: Ediciones del Instituto de Historia de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, 2003.
Beyer, Harald: “Entre la Autonomía y la Intervención: Las Reformas de la Educación en Chile”. En Felipe Larraín y Rodrigo Vergara (editores), La Transformación Económica de Chile. Santiago: Centro de Estudios Públicos, 2001.
Blanco Viel, Óscar: “La Ley de Instrucción Primaria Obligatoria”. En Memoria de Prueba para optar al grado de Licenciado en la Facultado de Leyes y Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad de Chile. Santiago: Imprenta Cervantes, 1921.
Boletín de las Sesiones Ordinarias y Extraordinarias de la Cámara de Diputados.
Santiago: 1919.
Boletín de Leyes y Decretos del Gobierno (BLGG). Libros XXX, XXI y LXX.
Braun, Matías, et al.: “Economía Chilena, 1810-1995: Estadísticas Históricas”. En Documento de Trabajo, Número 187, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile, Instituto de Economía, Santiago, 2000.
Campos Harriet, Fernando: Desarrollo Educacional, 1810-1960. Santiago: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1960.
2 ESTUDIOS PÚBLICOS
www .cepchile.cl
T
Introduction
he demise of Chile’s Concertación coalition has been predicted often over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even the coalition’s leaders have issued premature announcements of its death (Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers of Chilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertación as both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event –that is, as the product of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it is impossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion that the Concertación may well dissolve before Chile’s next election, but not for the reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on the structure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricably with Chile’s unusual electoral rules.
Harbingers of the Concertación’s demise point out that the Chilean economy has slowed somewhat since the coalition’s early years in government during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initially galvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and 1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivation might naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertación, and even its component parties —most notably the Christian Democrats— are internally divided over social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birth control. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertación will have held the presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative house elected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multiparty coalitions anywhere, much less among Latin America’s presidential systems, the Concertación is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneous corruption charges against members, including the stripping of parliamentary rights from five of the coalition’s deputies in 2002, and the general disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for so long. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.
Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeed undermine the Concertación, but we do not regard these factors as necessarily devastating to the coalition’s survival for a number of reasons.
In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five years in far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, and employment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. The Concertación may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for good economic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non- democratic legacy of the Pinochet era —including the renowned
96 ESTUDIOS PÚBLICOS
Cariola, Carmen y Osvaldo Sunkel: Un Siglo de Historia Económica en Chile, 1830- 1930. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1991.
Censo General de la República de Chile de 1907. En www.memoriachilena.cl Cifuentes, Abdón: Memorias, tomo I. Santiago: Editorial Nascimento, 1936.
Collier, Simon: Chile: La Construcción de una República, 1830-1865. Política e Ideas.
Santiago: Ediciones Universidad Católica, 2005.
———— Chile: The Making of a Republic, 1830-1865. Politics and Ideas. United States of America: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
Constitución Política de Chile de 1833. En www.memoriachilena.cl.
Cruz, Nicolás: El Surgimiento de la Educación Secundaria Pública en Chile. 1843-1876 (El Plan de Estudios Humanista). Santiago: DIBAM, 2002.
De Ramón, Armando: Biografías de Chilenos, 1876-1973, tomo I. Santiago: Ediciones Universidad Católica de Chile, 1999.
Egaña, María Loreto y Mario Monsalve: “Civilizar y Moralizar en la Escuela Primaria Popular”. En Rafael Sagredo y Cristián Gazmuri (editores), Historia de la Vida Privada en Chile, volumen II. Santiago: Editorial Taurus, 2006.
Jaksic, Iván: Academic Rebels in Chile. The Role of Philosophy in Higher Education and Politics. United States of America: State University of New York Press, 1989.
———— Andrés Bello: La Pasión por el Orden. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 2001.
Labarca, Amanda: Historia de la Enseñanza en Chile. Santiago: 1953.
La Revista Católica (RC). Santiago, años 1892-1920.
La Revista Pedagójica (RP). Santiago, años 1909-1910.
Ley de Instrucción Primaria Obligatoria de 1920. En www.memoriachilena.cl
Leyes de Presupuestos de los Gastos Jenerales de la Administración Pública de Chile. Años 1890-1920. Santiago: Imprenta Nacional.
Moscoso, Pablo: “La Cuestión del Sacristán: Historia en Diez Actos”. En varios autores, XIX, Historias del Siglo XIX Chileno. Santiago: Ediciones B, 2006.
Pérez Rosales, Vicente: Recuerdos del Pasado. Santiago: Ediciones B, 2006.
Revista de la Asociación de Educación Nacional (RAEN). Santiago, años 1905-1907.
Revista de Escuelas Católicas Santo Tomás de Aquino (RECSTA). Varios números, 1902.
Revista de Instrucción Primaria (RIP). Años 1899-1920.
Rivas Vicuña, Manuel: Historia Política y Parlamentaria de Chile, tomo II. Santiago:
Ediciones de la Biblioteca Nacional, 1964.
Sanfuentes, Juan Luis: Mensaje leído por S.E. el Presidente de la República en la apertura de las Sesiones Ordinarias del Congreso Nacional. Santiago: Imprenta Fiscal de la Penitenciaría de Santiago, 1919.
Serrano, Sol: “De Escuelas Indígenas sin Pueblos a Pueblos sin Escuelas Indígenas: La Educación en la Araucanía en el siglo XIX”. En Historia, número 29, Santiago, 1995-1996.
———— Universidad y Nación. Chile en el Siglo XIX. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1993.
Soto Sepúlveda, Maximiliano: “Políticas Educacionales en Chile durante el siglo XX”. En Revista Mad, número 10, Santiago, mayo de 2004.
Vial, Gonzalo: Historia de Chile (1891-1973), volumen I, tomo I. Editorial Santillana, Santiago, 1981.
2 ESTUDIOS PÚBLICOS
www .cepchile.cl
T
Introduction
he demise of Chile’s Concertación coalition has been predicted often over the past dozen years during which it has governed. Even the coalition’s leaders have issued premature announcements of its death (Latin America Adviser 2002; El Mercurio 2003a). Some observers of Chilean politics, therefore, might regard the dissolution of the Concertación as both a foregone conclusion and an overdetermined event –that is, as the product of so many factors, all working toward the same end, that it is impossible to assign responsibility among them. We share the opinion that the Concertación may well dissolve before Chile’s next election, but not for the reasons commonly cited. Our argument is based, instead, on the structure of Chilean political careers, which in turn is connected inextricably with Chile’s unusual electoral rules.
Harbingers of the Concertación’s demise point out that the Chilean economy has slowed somewhat since the coalition’s early years in government during the 1990s. Moreover, the coalition itself was initially galvanized around opposition to the Pinochet regime of the 1970s and 1980s, so as time passes, the compelling force of that initial motivation might naturally weaken. In addition, the Concertación, and even its component parties —most notably the Christian Democrats— are internally divided over social issues, such as the legal status of divorce and access to birth control. Finally, by the 2005 elections, the Concertación will have held the presidency and a majority in the Chamber of Deputies (the legislative house elected by popular vote) for 16 years. By the standards of multiparty coalitions anywhere, much less among Latin America’s presidential systems, the Concertación is geriatric, bearing the scars of miscellaneous corruption charges against members, including the stripping of parliamentary rights from five of the coalition’s deputies in 2002, and the general disillusionment that goes with holding the reins of power for so long. One might conclude, then, that the coalition is simply ready to expire.
Any of these forces, or some combination of them, could indeed undermine the Concertación, but we do not regard these factors as necessarily devastating to the coalition’s survival for a number of reasons.
In the first place, the Chilean economy has come through the last five years in far better shape than that of any of its Southern Cone neighbors, and employment and growth figures rebounded in first months of 2003. The Concertación may well be in a position in 2005 to claim credit for good economic stewardship. Next, many of the issues surrounding the non- democratic legacy of the Pinochet era —including the renowned
Estudios Públicos, 106 (otoño 2007).
ESTUDIO