The Minimal forms characteristic of this prefix set are lna+1 (3M LOC) and lyandji+l (3Mf LOC). There is also a restricted variant of the non-feminine form: lyana+l (see (37) below). The Locational prefix occurs mostly with body part nominals and indicates that the end point of an action is located at that part. The prefix also codes possession of the body part and the normal possessive marking is not required in addition to this. A Locational prefix plus nominal base will be used to express phrases like 'in your mouth' and 'on her lap' or 'around their waists'. It follows that the Locational prefix co-occurs with verbs of positioning, like 'put', 'insert', 'hold', 'carry' and also 'sit', 'lie' and 'stand'.
The Locational prefix+nominal base can also have an Instrumental reading, but this is apparently restricted to the base karddja 'hand/foot', as in 'with my hand/foot’. Locative/Instrumental is a case syncretism found in many Australian languages, particularly in the Western Desert area (see Dixon 1980:302). The two functions are also combined in Nakkara with use of the Locative/Instrumental postposition nay ana (see 4.7.4.).
Unlike most of the Attributive nominal constructions, the Locational prefix does not always relate to the subject of a clause. Unless the locational phrase has an oblique-reflexive reading like ' Hej put the baby on hisi lap’ or ' Shej held it under her* arm ', the prefix relates only to the possessor of the body part Some examples follow:
(30) Neaniamakkarra bamya ndjamarraya.
nganja +makkarra 0 +barnya ndja +marraya - 0
2M +head 3M(0) +put 2M(S) +carry -FUT
LOC IMPV IRRi on head
[Cf. makkarra njakkakaya 'yourhead' makkarra nja +kkakaya head 2M(S)+stand,C/T
(Poss Predicate) ]
(31) Ngiyakabba vandiiwanja wuddawana.
ngiyakabba yandji +wanja 0 +wuddawa -na
3Mf CARD 3Mf +armpit 3Mf(A) +put, -PC/T
LOC 3M (0) place
She held it under her arm .
(32) Narema ngayuna.
na +rema nga +yu -na
3M +temple 1M(S) +lie -PC/T LOC
I slept right beside him . [=Lit At his temple I slept]
The meaning o f the Locational prefix and body part nominal base is not always entirely literal. Notice in example (31) that the meaning of 'temple* is extended somewhat. Another example o f non-literal use is when karddja ’hand/foot' is used with a Locational prefix as a reflexive pronoun, as in (33) and (34). This construction is used in the same way as the reflexive particle walingken (see 6.4.).
(33) Kiddjambawana kinmeymeya ngiyakabba yandiikkarddia.
ki +ddjarnbawa -na kin +meymeya
3M +heat -PC/T 3M +hair
(S) ATRB
ngiyakabba yandji +kkarddja
3Mf CARD 3Mf +hand, LOC foot
She singed her own hair.
(34) Nakabba nakkarddia rrobarrabandjiya.
nakabba na +kkarddja 0 +rrobarraba -ndjiya - 0
3M CARD 3M +hand,foot 3M +look after -REFLX -C/T
LOC (S)
With some body part plus Locational prefix expressions, the presence of an existential as the main verb creates a construction very similar to a Stative possessive predicate. (See 8.1.4.2.) The phrase may appear to be doubly marked for possession, however, in all cases the verb refers back to the subject and not to the location. Consider the following:
(35) a) Mandjarda ngakkakaya - My throat, (see 8.1.4.2.)
mandjarda nga +kkakaya
throat 1M +stand Q T
(S) (Poss.Pred)
b) Neamandiarda kakay a/* ngakkakaya namindja.
nga -«-mandjarda 0 +kakaya namindja
IM +throat 3M +stand C/T veg.food
LOC (S) (BE)
/ had food stuck in my throat.
(36) Nawara nangera vandiimandiarda kakaya/*kikkakaya.
nawara nangera yandji +mandjarda 0 +kakaya
woman tears 3Mf +throat 3M +stand C/T
LOC (S) (BE)
The woman is nearly crying.
[Lit: (There are) tears (standing) in the woman's throat.]
(37) Namindja naddjakala kakaya.
namindja na +ddjakala 0 +kakaya
veg.food 3M +cheek/s 3M +standC/T
LOC (S) (BE)
His mouth is chock-a-block with food. (Lit) Food is (standing) in/at his cheeks.
The Locational prefix lyandji-l and also a non-feminine variation lyana-l occur with a few place names and names that describe landscape features, rather than with body part nominals. The prefix in these constructions still expresses some locational meaning and is also possessive in an Attributive sense (see 4.5.1.1.) in that the place "possesses" the characteristic depicted by the nominal base. However, most of these forms take an
additional suffix and the precise meaning o f each morpheme in the construction is not always clear. Some examples of this use follow:
(38) a) yandji +bburnamarrakka
3Mf + mud LOC
(from kin +burnamarrakka
3Mf + mud ATRB
b) yana +kkarddja +bba
?3M +hand +7NOM LOC
c) yana +kkukka +wa
?3M +water +? LOC
d) yana +werra +wa
?3M + ? +? LOC
e) yandji +mima +wa
3Mf +? +? LOC f) yana +wunja ?3M + ? LOC 'mud fla ts ' ' m u d ' ) 'Darwin', T o w n ' 'littoral' 'place on coast,
east ofNam ayerra Creek'
'plains country, inland fro m Yanawerrawa
'place on coast, east ofB erraya' close to Blyth River'
This variant of the Locational suffix lyanal is interesting in that it provides a clue to the derivation o f the Locative/Instrumental postposition nayana (see 4.7.4.). Stress falls on the second syllable of the postposition, which suggests that the first syllable is a prefix. It is possible that the postposition nayana has the following underlying structure:
na +yana
DER +LOC.PREFIX