The suffix l+wabbal occurs with a dozen or so locational qualifiers to form a locational phrase 'by way o f x ', 'via x ' The function of the suffix is therefore quite similar to its occurrence with existential verbs. Apart from the fact that all directionals can occur with l+wabbal, its distribution with other locational qualifiers is restricted to the three given below as (111 a), b) and c)). I have not heard or been able to elicit any alternative productive construction for expressing this notion of perlative motion.
Although l+wabbal appears to be an inflectional suffix in all examples given so far, it is possible that with some locational qualifiers l+wabbal is derivational. If the meaning of the stem+wabba construction is sufficiently different from the combined meanings of the two morphemes, it would be advantageous to list the stem+wabba construction separately in a word-list Given this separate listing, the suffix plays a part in word formation and can be said to be derivational. It would be necessary to list karrakarrawabba ’all along’, ’everywhere’ (see 111a) below) in a dictionary as a derived form, separate from
nakkarrakarra 'long way'. Sim ilarly komawabba and mayawabba would be listed separately from their roots komaand may aw a.
Examples o f this use o f the Proximal suffix follow in (111).
a) karrakarrawabba 'all along', 'everywhere' k a rra k a r ra + w a b b a
?long way +PROX
b) komawabba 'via inland', ‘along the inland way' k o m a + w a b b a
inland +PROX
c) mayawabba 1via the coast','along the beach' m a y a (w a ) + w a b b a
beach +PROX d) meyakkawabba
m e y a k k a + w a b b a east +PROX
'via an eastern track'
e) barrawabba '(wind/rain) coming via west' b a r r a + w a b b a
NW +PROX
These derivations are sometimes mildly irregular. In (11 lc) for example, the gloss suggests that the final syllable o f mayawa 'coast', 'beach' is dropped before l+wabbal. But it is possible that mayawabbais mayawa+bba.
An additional ambiguity o f interest is the derivation o f the locational word kunarawabba 'in the m iddle'. The root may be kunara 'belly' o r kunarawa 'horizon'. It is clear, however, that kunarawabbais a derived word-form. It would be listed separately from both kunara and kunarawa in the dictionary. If kunarawabba 'in the middle' is derived from kunara+wabba, this is an additional example o f the "Proximal" suffix having derivational as well as inflectional function.
4.7.3.3. A Restrictive Function for l+wabbal
The suffix /+wabbaJ also occurs with a few nouns, pronouns, adpositions and the negative particle korla. In most of these examples the meaning conveyed by l+wabbal to the stem x is 'only x or 'just x I will not attempt to detail the semantic connection between Locational and Restrictive reference, although I suspect there is one, and it has something to do with isolating an object or entity, with respect to its location/surroundings, for reference.
Restrictives are usually formed by using the restrictive particle djama 'only', 'just'; however in some circumstances l+wabbal can substitute for djama, but in most, the two occur together. Example (112 a) and b)) are equivalent; a Cardinal pronoun+wabba construction is the most productive of the forms with a Restrictive meaning. Constructions like in (113) cannot occur without djama and djama always precedes the wordlstem+wabba form: (112) a) djam a ngarabba only 1MCARD ‘only me' b) ngarabba +w abba 1MCARD +EXCL *only me'
(112) a) djama ngakkurayana +w abba only I coughed +EXCL
7 only coughed'
b) kinldra djama namurakkawabba 'this is only a goose' kin +kira djama
3Mf +this only ATRB (fem) nam urakka goose + w abba +EXCL
The Cardinal pronoun+wabba construction is often heard at card games, as say, njeyabbawabba '(it's) your turn'. With this use l+wabbal retains some of its locational reference, as in "it (the turn) is near/at you".
The form korlawabba occurs meaning 'nothing at all' and it is likely that this is the negative particle korla plus l+wabbal used as a Restrictive suffix. The function of l+wabbal in korlawabba is probably derivational. For further discussion of Restrictive constructions see 7.3.3.2.
C hapter 5.
VERB MORPHOLOGY
5.1. The Simple Verb Complex: prelim inary observations
Under the heading of Nakkara Verb Morphology we introduce discussion and analysis of various components of the verb complex (or VC), a word-form characteristic of languages of this type. The VC differs from standard verb forms (as e.g. in English) in that the core participant/s in a clause must be coded as an inflectional prefix to the verb stem. Tense (as in English verb forms) is coded as suffix. Thus, in its simplest guise the Nakkara VC consists of a nuclear verb-root, tense suffix and pronominal prefix (PP) coding core participants:
Simple Verb Complex
[P P - VERB ROOT - TENSE]
The distinctions between a Nakkara VC and a simple English verb are illustrated in the following pairs of sentences:
(1) a) English:
I chase -d Milak and W am ud.
(A) Vtr -PAST (O)
b) Nakkara:
(N garabba) nga =bana +kkakka -ndja Milak W amud
I I =them -fchase
(A) (A) (O) Vtr -PAST
[VERB COMPLEX]
(O)
(2) a) English:
M other laugh -ed . (S) Vintr -PAST b) Nakkara:
Mangaya ki +ddjiddaya -na
mother she laugh
(S) (S) Vintr -PAST
[VERB COMPLEX]
Mother laughed.