While BHL 1663 preserves many, if not all, elements of standard ha-giographical texts or early Acta, .DWKHULQH¶Vvarious speeches and subse-quent triumph over a huge crowd of philosophers as well as a great number of converts are a good opportunity for the hagiographer to buff up his text by drawing on external sources. This was a common hagiographical tech-QLTXHEXWFRQWUDU\WR'HOHKD\H¶Vdisparaging comment, the author required skill and knowledge to bring it off successfully14. The central theme of BHL LV.DWKHULQH¶VUHSHDWHGGHEDWHVZLWKWKHHPperor and the philo-sophers, which the hagiographer uses to throw into relief her learning and his own, by choosing texts that work well. For example, a large part of the dialogue between Katherine and the emperor Maxentius, and the debate between her and the philosophers, is based on the anonymous Consulta-tiones Zacchei Christiani et Apollonii Philosophi (CZA). This is a fictional dialogue in which Zaccheus, a Christian, tries to persuade Apollonius, a pagan, to become a Christian, and succeeds in doing so. In much the same way, Katherine manages to convince the philosophers to convert.
&RQVLGHUDQH[WUDFWIURP.DWKHULQH¶VILUVWVSHHFKEHIRUHWKHHPSHURU
BHL 1663
(DOBSON, Seinte Katerine, ll. 116-134)15
CZA, Book I16
KATHERINE ZACCHEUS
Etenim malorum omnium inventor dia-bolus, inter omnes scelerum suorum
ar-29.11
Inter omnes enim scelerum suorum artes
12 DOBSON, Seinte Katerine, pp. 144-203.
13 See CHRONOPOULOS, The Passion of St Katherine... (see above n. 7), pp. 227-237.
14 ³/¶KDJLRJUDSKH Q¶D VRXYHQW SDV SULV OD SHLQH GH FRPSRVHU OD KDUDQJXH TX¶LO IDLW
prononcer par son héros; il trouve plus commode de transcrire un chapitre ou des extraits de quelqXHWUDLWpFRQYHQDEOHPHQWFKRLVL´ H. DELEHAYE, Les légendes hagiographiques (= Subs.
hag., 18), 3rd ed., Bruxelles, 1927, pp. 88-89. This plays down what remains a creative process since the speeches are not strictly necessary for the story to stand.
15 5HIHUHQFHVDUHWROLQHQXPEHUVLQ'REVRQ¶VHGLWLRQRIBHL 1663 in Seinte Katerine.
16 References are to FeierWDJ¶VFKDSWHUGLYLVLRQVVHH--L. FEIERTAG, 4XHVWLRQVG¶XQSDwHQ à un chrétien (Consultationes Zacchei christiani et Apollonii philosophi) (= Sources Chré-tiennes, 401), Paris, 1994.
tes, nulla dubios perniciosius appetit, nec alias a Dei cultu subtilius avocat, quam ut, cum sciamus nos Deo soli debere quod formamur et nascimur, haec omnia elementis mundi ascribi debere suadeat ±
nulla dubios perniciosius appetit, nec alias a dei cultu subtilius homines avo-cat, quam ut, cum sciamus omnes deo nos debere quod formamur et nascimur, fato nos suadeat debere quod vivimus.
quibus vos divinitatis numen attribuitis et, appositis nominibus, pro Deo singula atque universa veneramini,
25.16
Haec vos appositis nominibus pro deo singula atque universa veneramini nulla alia ratione in hanc erroneam
opi-nionem traducti nisi quod coeternam Deo essentiam in se servare videntur; quae plane a Deo ex nichilo facta sunt, et in hanc mundi formam mirabili conspira-tione sociata; quae, sicut initium ex Dei creatione sumpserunt, ita perennitatem eius beneficio consequentur.
Et ideo coeterna Deo non sunt, quia im-possibile est creaturam, temporaliter fac-tam, creatori suo, qui est sine tempore, coaevam esse et consempiternam;
25.3-5 Omni igitur elementa, quae vos deo velut coaeterna numeratis, ab ipso, sicut iam dixi, et ex nihilo facta sunt, et in hanc mundi formam mirabili conspi-ratione sociata.
Quae, sicut initium ex dei creatione sumpserunt, ita perennitatem eius bene-ficio consequentur.
Et ideo ei coaeterna non sunt a quo facta sunt, quia nulli dubium est, auctori quae-libet non solum paria non esse, sed esse subiecta.
ille enim solus est sine initio a quo re-rum omium processit exordium. Talibus ergo divinitas non est ascribenda, quae, sub Dei dispositione posita, non quae suae voluntatis sunt faciunt, sed a Deo imposite serviunt rationi.
25.19 Vides ergo deo soli initium non apponendum, a quo omnium processit exordium, nec consempiterna maiestati illius aestimanda quae, ut aeterna sint, sicut de homine, ipse facturus est.
Dii ergo non sunt plures, sed unus nas-centium et viventium formator est Deus, qui, sicut omnia creavit, ita imperio suo omnia coercet atque disponit.
25.18 Dii enim plures non sunt, sed unus nascentium viventiumque formator, sicut fecit omnia, et regit, parique imperio vel mansura efficit, vel casura decernit.
From the above it is apparent that the BHL 1663-author has cobbled together various phrases from his source-text, although without following the order of the text, at least as we have it, to form a more or less coherent whole. Possibly, his main concern was not so much a theologically coher-ent argumcoher-entation as the appearance of learning in his protagonist.
&RQVLGHUDOVRWKHSKLORVRSKHUV¶VHFRQGTXHVWLRQWR.DWKHULQHDQGKHU
answer:
BHL 1663
(DOBSON, Seinte Katerine, ll. 480-502)
CZA, Book I
RHETOR APOLLONIUS
Si praedicta miracula, ut credi iubes, ma-nens in homine Deus praestitit, numquid
14.1 Si praedicta miracula, ut credi studes, manens in homine deus praestitit,
num-suscipere et pati crucem debuit? Aut quam ob causam, alios erepturus a morte, ipse etiam morte non caruit? Vel certe quomodo aliis proderit qui sibi prodesse non potuit, cum in sua liberatione etiam aliis spem liberationis contulisset?
quid suscipere et pati crucem voluit? Aut quam ob causam erepturus a morte alios morte non caruit? Vel quemadmodum aliis proderit qui sibi prodesse non potuit? 2. Cum in hoc magis fidem de se ambi-gentibus munire debuerit, liberaturum et alios fore, quo hoc primum in sua libera-tione monstrasset. Qua in re aut ralibera-tionem prodi necesse est, aut credulitatem non exigi satis iustum.
KATHERINE ZACCHEUS
Et in hoc etiam estimatio tua fallitur, si in crucis affixione impassibilem Deum pas-sionem doloris et mortis sustinuisse arbi-traris. Non enim natura caelestis crucis sensit iniuriam, sed assumptae in Deum infirmitas carnis.
Nam, incomprehensibilis et liber ab omni passione, Deus nec pati potuit nec teneri;
sed quendam de diabolo per assumptum hominem egit triumphum cum, in ligno materiam carnis imponens, eum sine sui iniuria per hominem superavit qui homi-nem cum Dei iniuria egerat in delictum.
Homo ergo, non divinitas, cruci affixus17 est, et qui peccaverat per lignum fixus in ligno est.
Haec Deo fuit assumendi hominem prae-cipuae ratio vel voluntas, ut peccatum ab homine contractum per hominem tolle-retur, et ab illo fides resurrectionis inci-peret quem primum resurgere debuisse constaret.
Potens equidem erat Deus, per angelum quemvis aut per aliquam caelestem virtu-tem, prostrato diabolo hominem eripere, si voluisset, sed, omnia cum ratione agens, Deus sic modum statuit victoriae ut qui hominem subiugarat per hominem ipse vinceretur.
14.3. Etiam in hoc aestimatio tua fallitur, ut in crucis adfixione divinitatem credas iniuriam pertulisse, quae incomprehensi-bilis et libera nec pati potuit, nec teneri.
Sed quendam de diabolo per adsumptum hominem egit triumphum, cum in ligno victoriam carnis imponens, eum sine sui iniuria per hominem superavit, qui ho-minem cum dei iniuria egerat in delictum.
4. Homo ergo, non divinitas trucidata est.
Et qui per lignum peccaverat, fixus in ligno est.
5. Atque haec deo fuit adsumendi ho-minem praecipua ratio vel voluntas, ut peccatum ab homine contractum per ho-minem tolleretur, et ab illo fides resurrec-tionis inciperet, quem primum resurgere debuisse constaret. Purus enim et ab omni immunis delicto pati pro omnibus voluit, ut non sola potestate, sed merito omnibus praeferretur.
17 The reading cruci affixus is not merely an alternative to trucidata. It is plausible that the author of BHL 1663 was working from a CZA-manuscript that carried cruci data (such as L or T). He emended data, previously in agreement with divinitas, to affixus to agree with homo, not paying attention to the argument in CZA where a distinction is being made between the human and the divine nature of Jesus.
The CZA has been used twice more in BHL .DWKHULQH¶V ILUVW
speech, in which she takes on the role of Zacchaeus, is answered by the emperor, who takes on the role of Apollonius. His answer, as well as Ka-WKHULQH¶V VHFRQG VSHHFK DOBSON, ll. 149-166 + 171-202), are based on CZA book 1.1.2-3, and then book 1.25.6 + 1.25.9-17. 7KHSKLORVRSKHU¶V
first question (DOBSON, ll. 396-402), where he takes on the role of Apol-lonius DQG .DWKHULQH¶VOHQJWK\UHSO\ ll. 403- LQ WKH ³JXLVH´ of Zac-chaeus) are based on CZA book 1.2.1 and then 1.2.3 + 1.4.3 + 1.6.4-7 + 1.5.4-5 + 1.6.3 + 1.4.4-9. The author of BHL 1663 only used book one of the CZA, even though there are three. The explanation lies in the overall structure of the CZA: it is in book one that Zacchaeus expounds the fun-damental questions of the Christian faith and that Apollonius converts to Christianity.
We know very little about the origin of the CZA: it was in all likeli-hood composed between 375-8 (or 409) and 489, either in Europe (Gaul) or North Africa. It may have been known to Evagrius (Gaul, fl. 430), but was certainly read by Victor of Vita (s. Vex) and Isidore of Seville (s. VI -VII)18. It is preserved in only seven manuscripts, most of them originating from Benedictine monasteries in the Frankish kingdom, with the majority dating from the tenth and eleventh centuries19.
18 For an exhaustive discussion of the date and place of composition see: G. MORIN, Ein zweites christliches Werk des Firmicus Maternus: Die Consultationes Zacchaei et Apollonii, in Historisches Jahrbuch, 37 (1916), pp. 229-266; A. REATZ, Das theologische System der Con-sultationes Zacchaei et Apollonii, mit Berücksichtigung ihrer angeblichen Beziehung zu J.
Firmicus Maternus, Freiburg i. Breisgau, 1920; B. AXELSON, Ein drittes Werk des Firmicus Maternus ? Zur Kritik der philologischen Identifizierungsmethode, in Kungliga Humanistiska vetenskapssamfundet i Lund, 4 (1936-37), pp. 107-132; F. CAVALLERA, Un exposé sur la vie spirituelle et monastique au IVe siècle, in 5HYXHG¶DVFptique et de mystique, 16 (1935), pp. 132-146; P. COURCELLE, Date, source et genèse des Consultationes Zacchaei et Apollonii, in Revue GHO¶KLVWRLUHGHVUHOLJLRQV 146 (1954), pp. 174-193; G. M. COLOMBÁS, Sobre el autor des las Consultationes Zacchaei et Apollonii, in Studia Monastica, 14 (1972), pp. 7-15; J.-L. FEIERTAG, Les Consultationes Zacchaei et Apollonii: pWXGHG¶KLVWRLUHHWGHVRWpULRORJLH Fribourg, 1990;
P. MARAVALUHYLHZRI)HLHUWDJ¶VHGLWLRQLQ5HYXHG¶KLVWRLUHHWGHphilosophie religieuses, 76 (1996), pp. 340-341. For the parallels with Isidore of Seville (as well with Victor of Vita) see A. C. LAWSON, Consultationes Zacchaei christiani et Apollonii philosophi: A Source of S.
Isidore of Seville, in Revue Bénédictine, 57 (1947), pp. 187-195. A convenient list of the par-DOOHOVFDQDOVREHIRXQGLQ&0/DZVRQ¶VHGLWLRQRI Sancti Isidori Episcopi Hispalensis De ecclesiasticis officiis (= CCSL, 113), Turnhout, 1989, p. 154.
19 T = Paris, BNF, lat. 2667A, s. X, prov. Fleury, but not written there; P = Paris, BNF, lat. 2968A, s. X, passed through Fleury [?]; M = Metz, BM, ms. 141, s. XI, prov. St Arnould/ Metz, destroyed during WWII but used by Morin; L = Paris, BNF, lat. 2400, s. XI, prov. St Cybard / Angoulême?, then St Martial/Limoges; B = Leiden, Universiteitsbibl., Voss. lat. Q 113, s. XI, apparently the second part of Vatican, BAV, Reg. lat. 252, s. X-XI: according to Wilmart it comes from a scriptorium at Tours; V = variants from manuscripts from La Trinité at VHQG{PH WDNHQIURPILUVWHGLWLRQRIG¶$FKpU\ C = Bernkastel-Kues, St. Nikolas Hospital,
Although the evidence of shared readings between BHL 1663 and specific manuscripts of the CZA is scant, it seems the former is following WKH ȕ-branch of the manuscript transmission (including two manuscripts from northern France)20. As regards the question of the direction of the borrowing, the fact that the CZA was available to Victor of Vita and Isidore excludes the possibility that BHL 1663 served as its source-text EHDULQJLQPLQGWKHHPHUJHQFHRI.DWKHULQH¶VFXOWGXULQJWKHHLJKWKFHQ-tury in the Byzantine East). In addition, none of these authors use the same passages of the CZA as the author of BHL 1663, which means that the latter was working from the CZA itself, though not necessarily a com-plete copy. Moreover, all the extant manuscripts preserve the full text of the CZA.
In the prologue, the author of BHL 1663 makes use of another dia-logue-based text, the Conflictus Vitiorum et Virtutum (Conflictus) by Am-EURVH$XWSHUW 784), the abbot of San Vincenzo near Benevento21:
BHL 1663
(DOBSON, Seinte Katerine, ll. 15-28)
Conflictus vitiorum et virtutum
Et, quia Christianitas in suis principibus iam religiosa iamque fidelis est, iam per-secutionis procella detumuit, iam vincula et verbera, carceres et eculeos et cetera suppliciorum genera procul cessisse ma-nifestum est, et ideo Christicolis iure non potest imputari si, his nostris temporibus, penalibus tormentis non probantur, quia persecutionis occasio, sedata pace, iam quievit.
Huic, quisquis ille est, tale damus res-ponsum: virgo haec non uniformi perse-cutionis genere impugnabatur, cui a fronte externus hostis, a tergo incumbebat do-mesticus et occultus; alia enim intelli-genda est persecutio, quae immanior et
Apostolica vox clamat per orbem, atque in procinctu fidei positis, ne securitate tor-peant, dicit: Omnes qui pie volunt vivere in Christo Iesu persecutionem patientur.
Et ecce quia Christianitas in suis princi-pibus iam religiosa, iamque fidelis est, desunt pie viventibus in Christo Iesu vin-cula, verbera, flagra, carceres, eculei, cru-ces, et si qua sunt diversorum genera tor-mentorum (ch. 1.1-6).
Istane est illa generalis persecutio, quam Apostolus omnes pie viventes pati des-cripsit? Non facile dixerim, cum sint quidam religiosi quibus nemo pravorum audeat in faciem derogare. Alia ergo in-tellegenda est, quae immanior et magis
ms. 52, s. XII, prov. St Eucharius and St Matthias/Trier (?); another manuscript belonged to
=DFKDULDV&RQUDGYRQ8IIHQEDFK EXWDSSHDUVQRZDVORVW7ZRPanuscripts were also mentioned in medieval catalogues of the abbeys St Èvre/Toul and St Martin/Massay, but are now lost. See the list of manuscripts in FEIERTAG, 4XHVWLRQVG¶XQSDwHQ« (see above n. 16), vol. 1, pp. 43-54.
20 FEIERTAG identified two groupings (see pp. 53-63, vol. 1): ȕ = BVLT and ț = CMP.
21 Libellus de conflictu vitiorum et virtutum, in Ambrosii Autperti opera, vol. 3, ed. R.
WEBER (= CCCM, 27B), Turnhout, 1979, pp. 907-931.
magis noxia est et quam non materialis intorquet severitas, sed vitiorum gignit adversitas.
Porro haec generosa virago, gemina op-pugnantium acie circumsepta, et furentem persequentium rabiem constanter evicit et conglobatas vitiorum acies viriliter de-bellavit.
noxia est, quamque non materialis intor-quet severitas, sed vitiorum gignit adver-sitas (ch. 1.14-19).
« TXLG DOLXG TXDP FUXGHOLV SLH viven-tium persecutio adversus conglobatas vir-tutum acies desaevit? (ch. 1.34-36)
Autpert was an author very much in vogue during his lifetime and shortly after. Among his literary output, the ten-book commentary on the Apocalpyse was the most important, yet the Conflictus enjoyed a much wider circulation. This can be explained in part due to homonymy with Ambrose of Milan22. $XWSHUW¶V ZRUNV FLUFXODWHG PDLQO\ LQ )UDQFH DQG
Italy in the eighth to tenth centuries; the Conflictus survives in more than 100 manuscripts. It was addressed to Lantfrid, the first abbot of Benedikt-beuern; thus emerges the likely audience for the dialogue, namely Bene-dictine monks23.
In the eighteenth century, Autpert and the Conflictus were brought into association by Dom Rivet24. Weber, in turn, put forward two reasons IRU $XWSHUW¶V DXWKRUVKLS RI WKH GLDORJXH WKH ROGHVW PDQXVFULWSV DOO
carry his name25; 2) the twelfth-century Chronicon Vulturnense and the
22 In a number of manuscripts, the Conflictus is attributed to him. The PL features it among the works of Ambrose and Augustine. It also circulated under the names of Leo I, Gregory the Great, and Isidore of Seville. R. WINANDY, /¶°XYUHOLWWpUDLUHG¶$PEURLVH$XWpert, in Revue Bénédictine, 60 (1950), pp. 93-119, lists the authors and the manuscripts.
23 See ibid., p. 99, and C. LEONARDI, Spiritualità di Ambrogio Autperto, in Studi Medievali, 3a s., 9 (1968), pp. 1-131.
24 He pointed out that a manuscript at Saint-(YURXOWG¶2XFKH 1RUPDQG\ DWWULEXWHGWKH
dialogue to Autpert, cf. A. RIVET et al., Histoire littéraire de la France, vol. 4, Paris, 1738, p.
148. Cited after WINANDY, /¶°XYUHOLWWpUDLUH p. 99. But already in 1685 the Maurists had UHVWRUHG$XWSHUW¶VDXWKRUVKLSRIWKHGLDORJXHLQWKHDSSHQGL[RIWKHLU$XJXVWLQHHGLWLRQRQWKH
basis of a number of parallels with the commentary on the Apocalypse (PL 40, cols. 1091-1092), see WINANDY, /¶°XYUHOLWWpUDLUH p. 98.
25 M = München, BSB, Clm 14746, s. XI, prov. St Emmeram/Regensburg: Incipit li-bellus Autperti presbyteri de conflictu vitiorum atque virtutum: missus ad Landefredum presby-terum et abbatem in Baioaria constitutum. B. BISCHOFF, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen in der Karolingerzeit. I: Die bayrischen Diözesen, 3rd ed., Wiesbaden, 1974, p. 196: the Con-flictus is followed b\$XWSHUW¶VSermo in purificatione Mariae. The two works were copied by two different, but probably contemporary, hands. N = München, BSB, Clm 14500, s. IX, prov.
St Emmeram/5HJHQVEXUJ $XWSHUW¶VQDPH LV RQ IRO DQGWKH GHGLFDWHHLVDOVR PHQWLRQHG
Lantfredum presybterum et abbatem in Baioaria constitutum. For the date and provenance see BISCHOFF, Die südostdeutschen Schreibschulen..., p. 38. For deWDLOVRQ$XWSHUW¶VQDPHVHH*
MORIN, Le Conflictus G¶$PEURLVH$XWSHUWHWVHVSRLQWVG¶DWtache avec la Bavière, in Revue Bé-nédictine, 27 (1910), pp. 204-212. P = Paris, BNF, lat. 2731 A, s. XIex from France. Date and provenance: personal comment by Bischoff to Weber. Its previous call-marks were Colbert
anonymous monk of Melk (De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis) attribute the dialogue to Autpert26. For his edition of the Conflictus, Weber only used three manuscripts, although there are a good number of other early wit-nesses27.
As regards the transmission of the Conflictus, it is clear that the ear-liest manuscripts come from ninth/tenth-century Bavaria, mainly Regens-burg as well as Schäftlarn. Moreover, it survives in four manuscripts from Jumièges, one of which has been dated to the tenth century28. 6LOYHVWUH¶V study of the manuscripts of the Conflictus includes three from the eleventh century, with northern French and Flemish provenances29.
*LYHQ RXU DXWKRU¶V SHQFKDQW IRU XVLQJ OLWHUDU\ WH[WV WR EXII XS KLV
YHUVLRQ RI .DWKHULQH¶V 3DVVLRQ ZH PLJKW H[SHFW KLP WR XVH $XWSHUW¶V
Conflictus more than once. And, indeed, it turns out that he saw in it a useful source for the prison scene, during which Katherine once more ex-tols the Christian faith and succeeds in converting the queen and the gen-eral of the army, Porphyrius. ,QKHUDQVZHUWRWKHODWWHU¶VTXHVWLRQDERXW
WKHQDWXUHRI*RG¶VJLIWV.DWKHULQHVOLSVIURPKHURZQZRUGVLQWRWKHUROH
of the amor patriae caelestis RI$XWSHUW¶VConflictus:
4085 and Regius 453355, see Bibliothèque Nationale. Catalogue général des manuscrits latins, vol. 3, Paris, 1952, pp. 40-41. Paris lat. 2732 is described on pp. 41-42; it is a libellus con-taining the Conflictus, s. XII, and belonged to J.-A. de Thou.
26 /LEHOOXVGHFRQIOLFWX«ed. WEBER (cf. supra, n.21), p. 878. The Chronicon Vulturnense DOVRFRQWDLQV$XWSHUW¶V/LIHRI3DOGR7DWRDQG7DVR BHL 6415), as well as his own Life (BHL 368) written by the monk John, the author of the Chronicon. See H. HOFFMANN, Das Chronicon Vulturnense und die Chronik von Montecassino, in Deutsches Archiv, 22 (1966), pp. 179-196.
27 In addition to the three manuscripts M, N, and P, Weber collated: Į = S. Augustini liber de conflictu uiciorum et virtutum (Argentorati, G. Husner, 1474?) and ȝ = S. Augustini Opera, ed. Maurinorum, vol. VI, 1685, Appendix, cols. 219-228. The manuscripts for the latter edition came from Corbie, Lyre, St Victor and St Germain-des-Prés, as well as a manuscript de-scribed as regius by its editors. See /LEHOOXVGHFRQIOLFWX« ed. WEBER (cf. supra, n.21), p.
879. Other early manuscripts are: München, BSB, Clm 14757, ff. 100-127, written at St Emmeram, Regensburg at the time of bishop Baturich (817-47); München, BSB, Clm 27059, s.
IX/X, prov. Schäftlarn; München, BSB, Clm 17059, s. IX (Schäftlarn); Paris, BNF, lat. 2843, s.
X/XI (Conflictus = s. XI), prov. St Martial, Limoges.
28 Rouen, BM, ms. 1378 (U.40), written between 942 and 973, see F. AVRIL, Manuscrits normands XI-XIIe siècles, Rouen, 1975, p. 8; Rouen, BM, ms. 670 (A.592), s. XIII; Rouen, BM, ms. 1468, s. XIII; Rouen, BM, ms. 933 (I.60), s. XV. The thirteenth-century catalogue from Lyre lists the Conflictus, as does the seventeenth-century catalogue for St Evroul. See NORTIER, Les bibliothèques médiévales, p. 197.
29 H. SILVESTRE, Notes sur les manuscrits de Bruxelles du De Conflictu vitiorum atque virtutum G¶$PEURLVH$XWSHUW in Calames et cahiers. Mélanges de codicologie et de
29 H. SILVESTRE, Notes sur les manuscrits de Bruxelles du De Conflictu vitiorum atque virtutum G¶$PEURLVH$XWSHUW in Calames et cahiers. Mélanges de codicologie et de