Capitulo II. La reacción ultramontana: el obispo Carlos Bermúdez
2.3. Concilio Provincial y Olimpo Radical Entre pastorales de Bermúdez
2.3.3 Carlos Bermúdez, el Obispo al exilio
in 1 3*7-1 3a , we may question his assertion that the setting of ] these hymns is a covenant ceremony. The emphasis here is on God's
covenant faithfulness (l3.7b-8). Significantly, in this context
the covenant with the forefathers and God's covenant faithfulness i with their descendants (or at least with a remnant) are closely
linked with God's assistance and mighty acts (l3*8b,9a). Although the latter are not specified, we may assume that they are saving acts (note 13*9a : "Thou, 0 God, didst redeem us 13*12b-13a: "But we .... rejoice in Thy mighty hand, are glad in Thy salvation,
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and exu.lt in Thy help cf also 13.10a , angelic assistance J is expected from the Prince of Light), Thus the covenant concept | becomes the basis and ground of appeal to God for help. This would |
seem to be the implication of the statement in 1 3.8b, namely,
that it is for the sake of His covenant that God is in the midst % to give assistance.
Furthermore, in 13»9b-13a the covenant theme is lacking. Instead | there is a pronounced note of predestination, and a clear distinction] is made between Belial and his lot on the one hand and the lot of ^ light and truth on the other (cf especially lines 9b-12). The ! setting here, therefore, by no means indicates a covenant ceremony, i but possibly the prelude to the conflict between the opposing forces.
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That the conflict is seen in terms of a battle may be inferred fromthe reference to the assistance of the Prince of Light (13*10), and from the mention of God's mighty hand (l3*13a). ? The nature of the conflict is more clearly indicated in the » concluding hymn (l3.13b-end). Here a divinely predestined battle
is apparent (l3.14b,17) in which God's might (l3.13b-14a,1 5b) is
instrumental in destroying (13,15a,16) the enemy.
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In contrast to the strength of God (I3.13b-l4a) the faithful are ^ designated "the poor*'.The motif of vengeance is possibly present in line 17* With this
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we may connect the reference to God’s wrath in l4.1 ; (Yadin,
M Comm, ad loc., suggests that the last lines of Col. 13 alluded to J
divine judgments on the nations). /
Penitence themes in 1 QM hymnic material
Penitential rites as necessary cultic preliminaries to battle are
widely attested in Old Testament war narratives (vide supra pp 15-
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17). The War Scroll provides no explicit reference to a pre-battle . penitential ceremony. The omission might seem strange in view of the t'l'•iS
emphasis on ritual purity and the revival of warrior asceticism ! (cf supra pp 140“145, l4?f). To some extent a pre-battle preparatory I stage, possibly even a ceremony of ritual preparation may be implied i in the taking up and extending of the purity regulations of theDeuteronomic war code (cf supra pp 140-145).
More decisively, we may point to the theme of penitence evident in j elements of the Scroll's hymnic material. Here, in contrast to the > portrayal of the warriors as "men of valour", "men of war", "men
of renown", "mighty warriors" (cf supra pp 1 36foot-1 37) , we find them described in a self-denigratory manner as "the poor ones"
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(11.9,13; 13.l4a; 14.7; 18.8), "the low of spirit" (11.10a),"the fallen" (l4.1l), and as "prostrate in the dust" (1 1.1 3; cf 14.14) (note also 11.9b , their hearts "melt").
Such motifs might well echo essential aspects of Old Testament pre-battle penitence. The statement in 11.4 :
".... not for our deeds, in that we have done wickedly, not for our sinful actions ...."
may be taken as tantamount to a confession of sin (thus, explicitly in a war/penitence context, 1 Sam 7.6b; note also Saul’s offerings and sacrifice to "placate" Yahweh, 1 Sam 13.9,12).
A hint of the penitence theme may be present in a passage of the thanksgiving hymn, 14.5-7 (cited infra p 177).
Thanksgiving after battle
The Scroll provides substantial evidence of the practice of victory thanksgiving. Before considering the texts of the thanksgivings, certain salient details of the thanksgiving procedure may usefully be examined. This may be summarised as follows.
According to l4.2-4a , immediately after battle the warriors withdraw towards "the encampment" (a forward base camp) and sing
together the "hymn of return" (no text), The next morning they 1 wash themselves and their clothing (for discussion, vide supra i
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pp l45f), return to the place of battle and there "bless all | together the God of Israel"; the text of the great hymn of j
thanksgiving follows. {
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In 18.5-6 , again immediately after battle, at sunset the chief j priest, priests, levites, army commanders and men "at that place (sc. the place of battle) bless the God of Israel"; the text follows, j
A slightly more complicated situation is reported in 19.9 - 1 3 . - Because of nightfall the engagement is broken off. In the morning the army returns to the battle lines (presumably intending to | resume the fighting) only to find the enemy destroyed by God | (cf 2 Chr 20.24), Thereupon, the chief priest, his deputy, his ‘I
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brother priests, levites, elders of the Serekh, army commanders | and their enlisted men (
2 3 / 7 ^ ' 7 / p 5 > )
"bless the God of Israel"I
(restored text). Then (again according to Yadin’s restoration) ' they return to the place of battle and "praise the God of Israel"; , no text of thanksgiving appears in Col. 1 9 * |ti
Notable in each of the three passages is the spontaneous thanksgiving after battle.
Col. 14 provides for two separate occasions of thanksgiving and two different localities; the first, immediately after battle on the warriors* return to camp, and the second, on the next morning at the place of battle.
Cols. 18 and 19 also indicate thanksgiving at the place of battle. Col. 19 would seem also to provide for two separate occasions (pace the restored text).
Given the sacerdotal emphasis of the Scroll, it is especially significant that in Col. 14 (on both occasions) the warriors
themselves offer the thanksgiving (contrast the pre-battle prayer and pre-battle address by chief priest and appointed priest).
Furthermore, in Cols. 18 and 19 , although the chief priest and his whole entourage are present for the thanksgiving, the officers and other ranks also participate.
Ample precedent for ritual thanksgiving and victory celebration is found in the Old Testament (vide supra, pp 32-33). Although the Old Testament presentation is more extensive and comprehensive, the
precise time and place of the thanksgiving are not always clearly i indicated (586). A wider range of participants or functionaries is { certainly indicated, but apart from cult functionaries (i.e. singing ! and dancing women), commemoration of victory is carried out by the
war leader or by the warriors themselves — but not by a priest (with the exception of Jethro, Ex 18.12), It is worth noting in this regard, that the introductory formula for the Song of the Sea (Ex 15.1 )j
indicates that Moses and the Israelites participated in the singing.
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Again, the Song of Miriam is presented in the form of a call tothanksgiving (Ex 15.21-22). The form indicated in Judges 5.1-2 is ^ also a call to praise.
One Old Testament passage, 2 Chronicles 20.26 , is particularly 1 instructive, especially when compared with 1 QM l4.2-4a .
According to the Chronicler, on the fourth day after the slaughter j
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of the Ammonites and Moabites Jehoshaphat and his army assemble in , the valley of Berakah (the place of "blessing" — but also the
place of battle and victory), and there they "bless Yahweh". Although Z; no reference is found here to ritual purification of the warriors -j after battle, the assembling "on the fourth day" (explained in v 25 ,j as three days gathering spoil) might suggest the three-day , purificatory period necessary prior to cultic occasions (cf Ex 19.10f,«i l4f. vide supra p ?6). Although in the Scroll the warriors cleanse !
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