El llamado de guerra contra las escuelas liberales

for the appointed time of battle" (l5‘4b-5) is not accompanied by a corresponding liturgical text. Cols. 10.8b - 12.15 , however, may be understood as supplying appropriate battle prayer and praise, although no direct indication is given that the passage is in fact the prayer to be delivered by the chief priest — - notably lacking, for instance, is the stereotyped formula "and he/they shall solemnly declare* which introduces actual speeches (1 3.2 ; l4.4; 1 5.7? 1 6.1 3; 18.6).

Davies' critical analysis of this composite passage is particularly helpful; again, however, bearing in mind the use made of the material by the compiler of the Scroll. Thus, although the creation hymn in 1 0.8b-l6 , as Davies notes (574), has nothing to do with war, the references to God's power as Creator (lines 12b-15) (575) would not be incongruous in a pre-battle hymn of praise and may in fact be compared with the Biblical allusions to God's saving acts which we find in the following column (note also in 1 0.8b-9a the reference to God's "great works* and "powerful might*). Moreover, in its Scroll setting, the hymn leads up to an appeal to God presumably for help

in the time of trouble (I0.17b-18). !

i Column 11 , in which Davies detects three hymns (576), presents j significeuit links with the holy war tradition. Frequent mention is

made of the concept "the battle is God's* (l1.1a,2b,4b; cf 8a "the wars of Thy hands"). Prominent also is the motif of "the hand of God*

11.1a,11; cf 8a)« The ancient holy war concept of God delivering the enemy into the hand of His people (577) is apparent in 11.2,13 ,

Evident also is the moralistic characterisation of the enemy (l1.9a, i 10b,11a,l4a; cf supra pp l49f)» With the unique reference to the idea Î that there is no-one to bury the enemy corpses (1 1.1) we may compare | the similar motif in Jeremiah's oracles (for references, vide note ; (2 9 7))» The statement in 11.15b-l6a t "so that they (i.e. the nations)! may know that Thou art the God of Israel", echoes Old Testament I phraseology (5 7 8) and indicates the raison d'etre of divine deliver- i ance. Of special significance are the references to God's saving acts i in Israel's history (1 1.lb-3, 9b-10a). The recall of past deliverance % forms the basis, and indeed the justification, of the appeal for j divine help in the contemporary battle situation envisaged in the ^ Scroll. (For 11.11-12, cf Yadin, Comm, ad loc.). j In addition to the concepts already mentioned, and in connection with h|

the Heilsgeschichte references, we find an emphasis on the contrast j between trust in God and reliance on weapons (11.2 (579)). This .J concept is reinforced by the quotation of Isaiah 31 . 8 (l1.1 lb-12): .]

and the sword, not of men, shall devour him".

Similarly, it is emphasised that deliverance comes entirely from God's help and power, not from human strength and not by human deserving (l1.3b-5). In keeping with these ideas, the faithful, although they achieve victory, are characterised as "the poor"

(l1.9a,1 3&), "the low of spirit" (l 1.1 0a) ; their heart "melts" (1 1.9b), they are "prostrate in the dust" (II.I3), In these motifs we have some indication of the "language of redemptive suffering"

(vide supra p157) and possibly a hint of penitence (cf infra pp 1 7 4f ). An interesting feature in these passages is not only the assurance and anticipation of certain victory, but the envisaged fulfilment of prophecy, namely, in the specific reference to the Balaam oracle

(1 1.6 - 7 : Nu 2 4.1 7-9), the prophecy of Isaiah 31.8 (l1.11b-12), and and in the general reference to the prophets foretelling the times of God's wars (I1.7b-8a). Yadin pertinently remarks that the inclusion of the Balaam prophecy emphasises the eschatological character of the battle (Comm, ad loc; Yadin also draws attention to the actualising

of the Isaiah prophecy, Comm, ad loo). In this connection, mention may also be made of the probable reference at the end of the column to Ezekiel's oracle against Gog (5 8O).

The first half of Col. 12 (consisting, according to Davies, of two hymns; lines 1-5 and 6-9a (581)), in its vivid portrayal of the battle- hosts of angels, magnifies and dramatically accentuates the essentially

cosmic character of the ultimate battle of God. Here the cosmic

dimension receives its fullest expression and brings to a climax the Scroll's development of the prophetic and apocalyptic traditions. At the same time we may perceive here a positive revival of the

concept and imagery of Yahweh*s heavenly armies which form a prominent and authentic element within the oldest strand of the holy war

tradition (cf supra, pp 48-49).

A feature completely unique in the tradition-history of holy war is the Scroll's presentation of a combined fighting force of angels and men. Although some hint of this is discernible in the ancient Israelite war tradition (e.g. in the Song of Deborah, cf supra, pp 48 A 6 0 ), the concept as presented in the Scroll marks a clearer departure from and a new extension of those ultra-spiritualised aspects of the holy ^ war tradition in which divine intervention in battle completely

excludes human warrior action (5 8 2). The following lines may be cited as typifying the Scroll's remarkable climactic expression of battle- apocalypses

"and to muster the hosts of Thine elect by their thousands and their myriads together with Thy holy ones and the host

173

of Thine angels, for strength, of hand in battle to subdue them that have risen against Thee on earth by the strife of Thy judgments, but with the elect ones of heaven are

Thy blessings. 12.4-5

And Thou, O Gk>d, art terrible in the glory of Thy majesty, and the congregation of Thy holy ones are amongst us for eternal alliance, and we (OR, they) shall render scoffing unto kings, scorn and derision unto mighty men, for the Lord is holy, and the King of Glory is with us, a people of saints ; mighty men and a host of angels are among those mustered with us, the Mighty One of war is in our congregation, and the

host of His spirits is with our steps ....** 12.6-8a Essentially consonant with this cosmic presentation of the battle is the portrayal in 12.6-9 of God as Lord of war and active in battle (cf lines 6a,7a,8a)« Here we are reminded of the ancient Yahweh of Hosts and the warrior God alike of ancient Hebrew poetry and prophetic oracles. Even more explicitly, this portrayal of God forms the exclusive content of the following battle hymn, 12.9-15

(repeated with slight variations in 19.2b-8), which Davies

interestingly characterises as an "extended war cry" (583), (For the contribution of this hymn to the concept of the divine role in battle, vide infra pp 183ff)♦

The broken text at the end of Col .12 is taken by Yadin to be the beginning of the blessing-and-curse ritual ( 1 3.1 - 6 , which we have discussed as a separate unit, supra pp 167-170). Davies, however, is probably correct in considering the remainder of Col.12 as a fragment of another separate hymn (584); this would seem more likely since 1 3*1 itself contains the introductory formula for the blessing-and-curse ritual.

Column 13 (apart from the blessing-and-curse ritual, lines 1-6) , presents further signs of a composite character. Davies considers j 13*7-13a to comprise three separate hymns with a common setting j in a covenant ceremony, and 1 3*13b-l6 to be a hymn of praise J

unconnected with a covenant ceremony (585). |

I