CATEGORÍA: CURRÍCULO Instrumento: Situaciones

Themes of community discontent resonate within literature relevant to mining company community development intervention in PNG. Notwithstanding the Papua New Guinean desire for mining-derived development, existing research suggests that “…there are no examples of large-scale mining projects in PNG that satisfy all of the parties involved,

especially to the local people who are hosts to the projects” (Jacka, 2015, p. 230; Filer 1990; Bainton, 2008; Kirsch 2006, Golub 2014). The Bougainville conflict and closure of the Panguna mine, together with the Ok Tedi mine dispute and associated lawsuit, exist as cases of community discontent that have been pivotal to the uptake of mining company community development intervention within PNG. As argued by Imbun (2007; 2008), the Bougainville and Ok Tedi mine episodes have acted as a turning point for mining company CSR, and resulted in mining companies in PNG embracing CSR and adopting “…a more ‘human’ face in dealing

with host communities” (2007, p. 179). Imbun (2008) further claims that in PNG today, mining companies cannot operate large-scale mining projects without contributing tangibly to development and fulfilling their related CSR roles.

An established body of research explores the relationship between mining and development in PNG (e.g. Banks, et al., 2013; Filer; 1990; 1997; Gilberthorpe and Banks, 2012; Golub 2014; Imbun, 2007; 2008; Jacka, 2015; Kepore and Imbun 2010; Kirsch, 2006; Kuir-Ayius, 2016; West, 2006). Associated literature nevertheless varies, and at times reveals contradictions between mining and development-related research findings. For example, based on research undertaken within mining communities located around the Porgera, Ok Tedi and Lihir mine sites, Imbun (2008) claims that despite the environmental impacts of mining, overall mining

company development projects in PNG are being beneficial for mine communities. Further, he argues that mining companies are fulfilling their development obligations to communities, and that, in varying instances, companies are exceeding their development obligations as a means to secure mine operations. In contrast, Gilberthorpe and Banks (2012) posit that there is limited evidence of socio-economic development benefits flowing to mine-affected communities in PNG. In line with this alternate narrative, both Jacka (2015) and Golub (2014) suggest that, based on their extensive research undertaken in Porgera, mining has been a failure in terms of development and that the local community would be better off without the mine. As argued by Jacka, although the “…proceeds from mining development translate into

forms of material improvement in the area, the costs of mining in human lives and the

degradation of biodiversity far outweigh the benefits of development” (2015, p. 231).

The tension that exists between community expectations of development and the impacts of mining on the environment therefore emerges as a theme that resides at the core of understanding the relationship between mining and development in PNG. Within contemporary literature, both Kirsch (2006) and West (2006) provide insights into understanding this tension. Drawing from research undertaken with the Gimi people of Maimafu Village, based at the Crater Mountain Wildlife Management Area and located in Eastern Highlands Province, West explains that, “[f]or Gimi there is no difference between

things and access and social relationships” (2006, p. 309). Therefore, when community conservation efforts and associated relationships with international environmental groups failed to deliver the tangible aspects of development being sought by Gimi, it eventually resulted in the abandonment of conservation as a path to development, and the support for mine exploration as an alternative development path. In research working with the Yonggom people living within mine-impacted areas downstream of the Ok Tedi copper and gold mine, Kirsch similarly emphasises the importance of successful exchange relationships. According to Kirsch, exchange relationships are central to a person’s identity in Melanesia, and “…the

failure to fulfil exchange obligations, whether by design or default, is experienced as a

negative assessment by the person who does not receive his or her due” (2006, p. 80).

Therefore, when a Papua New Guinean community enters into an exchange relationship, expecting material development in exchange for the right to mine, if development expectations are not met it creates a source of community discontent (ibid.). As explained by Kirsch, in the absence of material development benefits discontent will escalate if the environmental impacts of mining constrain subsistence lifestyles.

When considering the relative success or failure of mining company community development intervention projects in PNG, the scope of a community’s development expectations (Jacka,

2015) and the extent of environmental damage relative to the level of development benefit (Kirsch, 2006) therefore have the ability to impact the perceived success of mining company community development intervention. Literature also suggests that local mining company management aptitudes, the size and life span of the mining project, physical geography, local culture, community need and demand, and local politics, can all act on and influence development intervention outcomes (Imbun, 2008). Jacka (2015) additionally makes the point that the manner in which a community is conceptualised by the mining company has the ability to impact the success of a development initiative. As argued by Jacka, when a company interprets a dynamic and ever-changing social group in PNG as being a fixed entity, it directly increases the chance of project failure (Jacka, 2015, p. 230), as it fails to recognise the complexity of social relationships.

Mining company community development intervention has nevertheless become an essential part of managing mines in PNG (Imbun 2007). This is evident by the measures taken by the state to move beyond voluntary and discretionary forms of mining company development to mandate extractive sector development commitments directed at local communities via Community and Benefit Sharing Agreements (as discussed in Chapter 2). This research is pertinent in this regard, as the extent to which these agreements support local level development largely remains unclear (Filer, 2012; Gilberthorpe and Banks, 2012). As a consequence of this established development role, mining companies are increasingly involved in community development initiatives in mine areas. From a theoretical vantage point, mining company development intervention can thus be observed as bridging instrumental, political, integrative and ethical theories of CSR (as earlier discussed) and embeds the PNG mining industry firmly within the realm of community development.

3.8 Conclusion

In summary, this discussion provides an overview of assumptions that underpin the relationship between mining and development in PNG. It also describes the extractive

sector’s relationship to sustainable development, and considers the related role of CSR as a

means to operationalise sustainability. Through the course of this discussion it becomes evident that although there remains much scepticism about the potential of large-scale mining to promote human development, mining company community development intervention nevertheless remains a legitimate, and often mandatory, development tool within PNG. Whilst literature suggests that the benefits to existing development intervention may be limited, I have argued here that neither existing research, nor pessimistic mining development theories, can preclude the possible design and implementation of future mining company development

initiatives that can be beneficial to communities. This research therefore seeks to build on existing scholarly insights to more comprehensively explore the effectiveness and potential of mining company community development intervention as a means to promote meaningful development within PNG.