DESCRIPCIÓN DE LAS MEDIDAS PREVENTIVAS Y DE MITIGACIÓN PARA EL PROYECTO

Having identified the roles available to folk singing participants in the previous section here I investigate the nature of people‟s engagement with these roles and the levels of commitment that such roles demand. This includes the application of Robert Stebbins‟ (2007) „serious leisure‟

perspective to the English folk singing scene, and reference to the sense of

moral community that is created through the varying levels of participation.

It has been suggested that there is intrinsic satisfaction in the

fulfilment of role identities above and beyond the pleasure of participating in the activity (McCall and Simmons 1978). John Kelly claims that participants

gain satisfaction not only from their leisure experiences, but through the significance of the „event-bound role-identity‟:

In the immediate dialectic of the processual taking and developing of a characterization of a role, the reciprocal actions of others in the interaction provide feedback that not only continues the role-development but yields

satisfaction as the role-identity is established and verified. There is then satisfaction not only in the theatre or sport event but in the role-identity development. (1981:313)

Francois Matarasso (1997) similarly claims that the experiences of those who participate in arts based activities are different to those of passive audiences. Matarasso suggests that some of the social impacts arise as much from people taking an active part in their personal development, and in the lives of their communities as from the production of artefacts themselves (1997:79). As noted above, this is not solely afforded to the artistic input from singers and organisers and regular audience members may also gain satisfaction from their roles.

Rejecting a previously held notion that leisure is passive, Stebbins (2007) takes a view of leisure as an active contributor to individuals‟ lives and identities. Through his serious leisure perspective, Stebbins attempts to disassociate the subject of leisure from being a frivolous activity and

encourages focus on its various levels of engagement and the ensuing costs and benefits for participants. Stebbins defines the „leisure career‟ as „the typical course, or passage, of a type of amateur, hobbyist, or volunteer that carries the person into and through a leisure role and possibly into and through a work role‟ (2007:19).

Within folk singing contexts there are opportunities for individuals to progress into the realm of paid work or to develop within the confines of amateur participation. Here I look into each situation separately, beginning with an analysis of the ways participants engage on an amateur level, and then I explore the notion of professionalisation within the folk singing scene.

There are frequent examples of individuals committing seriously to their folk singing pursuits, developing their practice and increasing their ability through gaining skills, knowledge and experience without the

individuals to progress musically within the folk singing scene, either by improving singing ability and becoming more highly regarded within the club they attend, or by attending a number of different clubs and being widely recognised throughout the folk scene.

The level to which people engage with and achieve success within their leisure activities has been shown to have an impact upon their sense of being a part of the community. Rebecca Sachs Norris found that

„Community is not a unitary phenomenon‟ and „[t]he feeling of participation may consist of a variety of experiences and will change as the relationship of the participant and community develops‟ (2001:118). She finds that within the field of English country dance, having the technical ability to participate fully enhances the feeling of community and that „[a]lthough… beginners are welcomed in many folk dance venues, the experience of community comes from dancing together and being able to hold one‟s own‟ (ibid:118-9). This was reflected in my own results showing that folk singers enjoy their

experiences more when they are more proficient, providing a social incentive for participants to improve their singing abilities along-side one of personal satisfaction.

Musical prowess, however, is not the sole measure of achievement and active involvement through organisation is equally valued and voluntary commitment to leisure is found not only from the singers who attend each week to perform, but also in the organisers of events (who are often not lead singers). Some embark on organisational career paths, ingratiating

themselves in the scene and becoming active enablers of the activity. The distinguishing factor between „amateur‟ and „volunteer‟ is the sense of the „work‟ involved as opposed to „pleasure‟. Though both are necessary for the production of a folk singing event, there is a perceived differentiation

between the singers and organisers who both participate for no money. Stebbins, however, is clear to point out that „volunteering is a leisure activity‟ (2007:32), drawing the comparison with amateurs and distinguishing them both from work.

In discussing a theory of communities of practice Etienne Wenger proposes that „we can distinguish groups [of] which we are a core member, and others that we are on the periphery of‟ (1998:7). These positions are not

static, however, and Liz Garnett describes the varying levels of involvement within barbershop choruses, remarking how chorus directors are encouraged „to motivate their chorus members to move inwards towards greater

involvement‟:

The concept of 'circles of involvement', then, illustrates simultaneously the diversity of engagement with the

category of barbershopper, and the centripetal compulsion towards greater engagement which operates within the community. (2005:162-3)

A similar structure can be found within folk singing events. Many of the diary participants refer to the „core of regulars‟ (D~Carol) and an outer body of singers they know or who are semi-frequent attendees. When people previously unknown to diary participants attended events, they were highlighted as „strangers‟ (D~Bob; FG~John). Central participants

encourage those in the outer circles to maintain repeated attendance and become more involved within the group, progressing along their career as a regular singer or helper. Differences to the barbershop model exist,

however, in relation to the levels of formal structuring to facilitate this process.

Within folk singing events it is the individual‟s own responsibility to make the necessary musical improvements to be promoted to a higher status singer whereas barbershop groups frequently run training programmes. Similarly, as there is less clarity in defining the members of folk singing groups, the level of attendance and depth of interaction necessary to be considered an insider of the group are determined by the individual.

In order to fulfil the requirements of a well-defined role, participants must acquire the appropriate social knowledge to be equipped „to carry off the performances required by such roles‟ (Smith 1987:171). Thus, a newcomer cannot convincingly adopt the role of MC without learning the behaviours required of such a position. An understanding of role

responsibility needs to be adhered to. The performer role, for example, while portrayed as open for anyone to contribute, is tightly bound by the role

behaviours associated with it. As Jonathan Stock points out in relation to instrumental tune sessions:

Although Red House participants talk of the session as being a musically open environment where expert and beginner alike can expect to freely interact… the atmosphere of the session is complex and richly shot- through with matters of authority, personal particularity and habitual structure. (Stock 2004:65)

A mechanism to avoid conflicts due to this matter of role fulfilment is found in the acknowledgement of the status level of newcomer. If the role of

newcomer is adopted alongside that of singer non-conforming behaviours

will be tolerated accordingly. While newcomers themselves may be oblivious to this stratum, existing practitioners describe their relationship to newcomers in these terms. The role of newcomer contains less rigid expectations than those of others within the community, though specific boundaries to their practice still apply.

If newcomers behave outside the established rules they can change the nature of the event. Regulars of events describe being suspicious of newcomers as any new character has the potential to change the group dynamic. One singer feels that „A bad individual can fuck up a session. In case a new individual comes along and they‟re some poetry reciting

fruitcake‟ (I~Jon).

In an investigation of levels of hospitality in community music, Lee Higgins observes that:

when a music leader welcomes a new participant into a group, they do so with questions: what is your name? what instruments do you play? Have you done this before? What are your expectations? Can you make it every week? …Although questions such as these are very human, they are examples of conditional hospitality... This cannot be avoided because when we welcome one another, we do so with limits. The very the parameters [sic] (hostilities) inherent within one‟s welcome (hosting) is what makes hospitality possible. (2007a:284)

This echoes existing participants‟ fears that newcomers may affect the nature of an established event and suggests that these methods of integrating new singers into the group not only provide feelings of

welcomeness (or otherwise) to newcomers, but their mode of response also alerts existing members to their potential for compatibility.

Thus a newcomer to any group, even if they are familiar with other aspects of the folk scene, has the challenge of following the specific pattern of „acquiring skills, equipment, clothes, gradually taking on beliefs, being accepted as a proper member‟ (Argyle 1996:7). If these criteria are not met it can lead to feelings of incompatibility and unwelcomeness. Some

newcomers describe how they chose not to persevere to learn the ways of a specific event as they felt they did not fit in and some went so far as to resent the perceived need to be socialised.

Once individuals are accepted as members, however, they leave the newcomer role and are free to further develop their role-identities. Not all members of the group have the same experience (this is further discussed in section 6.2 in relation to performance nerves). As with any kind of career, there are various leisure paths that can be followed and goals reached, but it should be understood that not everyone is aspiring to the most central or top positions. While core members have a certain raised status, they also carry responsibility, and some members are content to take a back seat, preferring not to be involved in the organisation of events (D~Bob).

Taking a more literal view on career, I now turn to discuss the involvement of professionalism within the folk singing scene. There are professional and amateur levels to many musical genres though it has been recognised that there is a division between the contexts of performance for these types of musicians:

Professional musicians are socially distinct; full-time performing musicians rarely play with rank amateurs. (Chanan 1994:24)

Unlike the situation in classical music as described by Chanan, interaction between professionals and amateurs is widespread and arguably an integral aspect of the folk scene. The involvement of amateurs alongside professionals is twofold both in terms of placing amateurs on stage as floor spots before a professional act and in the way professionals engage in social music making alongside amateur musicians outside of their paid

This kind of event is live music at the grass roots –

anything goes from people just starting to sing in public to professionals. (D~Ann)

Providing definitions for the terms „amateur‟ and „professional‟ is complex as it is increasingly difficult to distinguish between work and leisure for some people. Here I refer to „professionals‟ as those who receive

payment in return for a prearranged performance. This is by no means clear cut within this environment as various systems of reciprocity function

including in some cases free beer for the singers. The distinction between performing for financial gain or social reasons is also gradated rather than binary in form. (For further discussion on the payment structures within the folk scene see MacKinnon 1993:70-77.) Similarly forming a distinction in terms of musical standards can be misleading as many talented and well- rehearsed singers perform in both role types.

In a study of the sociology of leisure, Stanley Parker suggests a model to describe the relationships between work and leisure:

Extension – leisure activities are similar to work with no sharp distinction

Opposition – leisure is chosen to be deliberately unlike work

Neutrality – leisure is generally different to work but not planned to be so (1995:29)

While folk singers may fit into any of these brackets, Parker‟s extension best describes the nature of paid folk singers‟ activity. A number of amateurs achieve a high standard of musicianship and „It is not uncommon for

experienced resident singers to have the status of playing outside the club, perhaps doing gigs as the guest artist for other clubs in the region‟ (Smith 1987:158). In order to recognise this element of development from one form to the other, I propose an additional dimension:

Progression – the leisure activity becomes an act of work

This work commonly runs alongside other, often unrelated, employment and full time professionalism is rare. It also runs alongside their leisure folk singing activities and the progression into the realms of paid employment

within this scene does not preclude singers‟ continuation on an amateur level.

The nature of the performance environment (as described in the previous chapter) makes this a particularly suitable context to develop professionally as „clubs give new performers a chance to try out their talent and style before a small audience‟ (D~Marjorie), enabling performers in various stages of professionalism to play alongside each other:

The relationship between the audience and the performer in the folk scene is very different to that elsewhere

because pretty much everyone in the audience is a performer to some extent...There is very little to

distinguish between the capacities of the performer and the capacities of the audience bar perhaps experience and confidence. (FG~Paul)

Breaking down the barriers between amateurism and professionalism creates an ideologically equalised community in keeping with the scene‟s ethos. The lack of a barrier also facilitates observable routes of progression through organisational and social structures enabling a freedom of

movement unrestrained by formal structures.

When professional performers create distinctions between themselves and the behaviours of others within the club this can cause tensions. An anecdote was told to me about a guest at a club who „refused‟ to listen to the floor spots, preferring to remain in the downstairs bar until his programmed appearance in the club room. As outlined in Section 4.1, the public bar is not generally a place for the folk singer and this rejection of the event was seen as highly inappropriate behaviour.

A second interesting phenomenon concerning the behaviours of professionals arose through this research. While singers can progress through the ranks of amateur and participate on a semi- or fully-professional level they may also seek to retain an amateur role when singing as leisure. From interviews with 6 professional and semi-professional folk musicians, I found they all progressed to employment through the ranks of amateurs, and continue to socialise in this context. Their modes of behaviour in each

When professional folk musicians are socialising they adjust their musical practice in terms of performance style and repertoire choice. Behaviours that are appropriate in a staged context are disregarded, and material used for developed „acts‟ is rarely used in leisure contexts, except as a test bed for new material. Professionals are more likely to take risks on singing material they are not wholly familiar with, and enjoy experimenting with instruments they rarely play. In contrast to amateurs who tend to aspire to giving their „best‟ performance, professionals are content to make errors and perform below par. This could be described as professional musicians undergoing a process of amateurising themselves for leisure contexts.25

Due to the interpersonal nature of the folk scene however, their professional status remains to be recognised and this can affect their verbal interactions:

People want to talk about what gigs I‟m doing, and want to talk about their experiences of gigging and whatever. This tends to be the semi-professionals or people with a bit of professional experience, they like to sort of be hanging out with a professional which isn‟t a problem, but given that one would go to the pub to get away from being a professional it‟s a bit of a paradox. (I~Jon)

This shows that despite making behavioural changes in order to be accommodated in the amateur leisure environment a distinction remains between amateur and professional musicians. Following the equality ethos, there is no social barrier between professional and amateurs in terms of approachability. Due to the celebrity status of the professional musician (i.e. knowledge is held about them through mediated contexts rather than one-to- one social interaction) some people seem willing to speak in personal terms to a professional they have no previous personal connection with.