Medio socioeconómico

The Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies‟ has been criticised for its lack of consideration to the effects of place in its approach to sub-cultural

identities. Belinda Wheaton suggests they „failed to consider the local and global variations in youths‟ response to music and style‟ (2007:291-2). Within the field of ethnomusicology however, a sense of place is paramount and a number of popular music scholars also recognise its importance. Within her study of house music Hillegonda Reitveld (1998) observes that even within this recognisably „global‟ or „international‟ type of dance music local differences were of significance. Reitveld finds that „[w]ithin each locality there had been various contributions of cultural discourses which were specific to the cultural history of its users‟ (ibid:5-6). Sara Cohen (1991) draws comparisons between the physical, political and social make up of the Liverpool area and the resulting rock music style recognising that media representations of cultural activity can affect inhabitants‟ behaviour.

Following Alan O‟Connor‟s (2002) position on cultural hybridity, I draw connections between the folk scene and his exploration of the punk

movement. O‟Connor emphasises the duality of global musical movements and their localised enactments. He claims there is no self-contained (punk) scene in any distinct city unaffected by global trends, yet the impacts of particular places ensure each region‟s scene is distinct.

This study explores the English folk singing scene, with a focus on the Sheffield area and here I introduce some specifics of the scene within the region in which I conducted fieldwork for this study. A recent article in

fROOTS, a national specialist folk magazine, claimed that „Sheffield has

become the new centre of English folk music‟ (Nickson 2006). This is attributed to the activities of ceilidhsoc, a University of Sheffield student society, and how its reputation has encouraged more young folk enthusiasts

to study in the city.18 The article was commented upon within the local folk press and it was further noted that although there was indeed a vibrant instrumental session scene in Sheffield there was an absence of singing orientated, concert style guest folk clubs (West 2008). This is a notable local difference as the majority of cities and major towns in England have a weekly or monthly folk club with invited guests running alongside an instrumental and singing session scene. A third notable specific of this region is the Sheffield Folk Chorale. This group functions as an 80 strong community choir mostly performing arrangements of folk songs. Despite considerable organisational and ideological differences many of their members also participate in other folk singing activities.19

Stirrings magazine provides specialist media coverage for „folk roots

and acoustic music in South Yorks and beyond‟. The magazine has a print run of 500 copies and is distributed through subscription (c100), existing folk events and some specialist shops such as Rare and Racy, selling recordings of non-mainstream musics and Hobgoblin Leeds, an acoustic musical

instrument supplier. This publication provides a valuable resource for current participants of the folk scene. Some local events pay to advertise in this volume and it contains a listings section providing information for the majority of folk music song and dance events occurring in the region. However, the methods of distribution mean access for a newcomer to the regional folk scene is limited, creating a barrier to wider participation.

From this publication it is apparent that the inner-Sheffield situation consists of a number of events occurring monthly and mostly consisting of do-it-yourself participation. The concert clubs that appear in Stirrings occur outside the city: in Harthill and Maltby, villages in the Rotherham area, or Chesterfield, a neighbouring major town. Participants in the diary study attend events covering a wide geographical area with a range of settings

18

There are also folk dance societies at a number of other University cities including

Newcastle, Durham and Exeter which are providing similar concentrations of youth activity in folk music and dance. See Simon Kegan-Phipps (2007) for a discussion on the influences of education systems on folk music.

19

Although some participants are members of the Sheffield Folk Chorale, and further reference to it is made, a detailed analysis of this community choir form is beyond the remit of this thesis. The differences between community choirs and folk singing events would provide a fruitful area for future research.

including inner city, suburban and rural locations. Les Haywood et al. (1995) suggests that „less profitable [leisure] activities are relegated to less

advantaged, inaccessible, or less sought after locations, often towards the edges of town or city‟ which may account for the location of some folk events.

Figure 4.1 shows the location of self-identifying „folk‟ events attended by participants during the diary period. These are not limited to a closed geographical area around Sheffield and indicate a broader network of activity nationwide (further discussed in Section 4.3). While there is broad

geographical coverage of events it is notable that participants do not

necessarily attend those closest to their place of residence. With enhanced modes of transportation and a variety of experiences on offer, people are willing to travel considerable distances to participate in their chosen

activities. Ruth Finnegan (1989:301) describes this changing situation within city culture, claiming that instead of „urban villages‟ being regionally identified within the city, people travel to participate in activities that interest them. This has similarly been found within the folk scene. Niall MacKinnon highlights the distances travelled by attendees of a rural folk club in Essex and the absence of local residents at the event (1993:37). This situation continues to be the case in Sheffield‟s rural locations, for example at Royal Folk held in the village of Dungworth, the folk event attendees and local residents tend to remain in distinct areas of the pub.

The propensity to travel creates attendance-based transportation issues. The (non)availability of suitable public transport and its resulting impact upon reduced attendance (i.e. having to leave early for the last bus (D~Raymond), or having to drive to rural locations in inclement weather (D~Ann) can act as a barrier to participation. This can affect both the possibility of attending certain events and the ways in which individuals can interact with them. Despite these obstacles, it seems more important for participants to have their preferred experience than the nearest one. Where pleasure was expressed that events are „close to home‟ (D~Ann; D~Bob; D~Pete; D~William), this was due to their chosen event type being close to home rather than merely having some local folk activity.

Figure 4:1 Four maps showing the locations of events attended by participants during the diary project.

Participants are content to travel long distances for specific

experiences. After hearing some of Ryburn 3 Step‟s resident singers, Bob Butler „immediately decided that their club would be worth the 64 mile weekday round trip‟ (D~Bob). This willingness to travel facilitates groups of likeminded individuals to come together for a specific, shared purpose enabling disparate groups to form, each with their own set of preferences and resulting behaviours. This avoids the negotiations that might be necessary for a group of closely geographically situated people who have different aesthetic criteria to gather and make music. The resulting groups are highly self-selected and geared towards specific musical practices.

As participants frequently travel half an hour or more to attend events, the journey itself can be seen as contributing to the experience. John Kelly observes that „travel itself is not only a cost in time and money, but also a part of the recreational experience. In fact, that prerequisite of so much away-from-home leisure, the car, is often a leisure environment itself‟ (1983:49). Lifts or taxi sharing are common, some making prior

arrangements, others offering impromptu lifts home. The privately organised Folk at Home group, for example, aim to minimise the number of cars

attending each meeting and espouse an obligation to either offer or receive lifts to facilitate this. Whilst these activities have the potential to forge connections within a group, they also come with a sense of responsibility: „[i]n some cases people have come to rely on me for a lift, or at least a car- share, so it would be difficult to miss [an event] even if I wanted to‟

(PC~Bob). These interactions, distinct from the actual singing event, enable a deepening of relationships through alternative modes of conversation and behaviour. This contributes to the creation of community in terms of building stronger relationships and encouraging regular attendance.

In a study of leisure interactions, John Kelly states that „most leisure

takes place‟ emphasising the need to examine the specific places used for

leisure interactions (1983:45). In his study of concert hall culture,

Christopher Small claims that '[h]uman beings have been musicking for as long as there have been humans and have done so without feeling the need for a specialized building to house their activities, certainly not for anything on so grand a scale as this‟ (1998:21). I would argue that people have

ritually designated special times and places for their musical activity, and the concert hall is just another manifestation of this practice.20 Different

environments are deemed suitable for different kinds of musical activity, that no practices have required a concert hall until relatively recent times does not mean spaces are not considered and applied appropriate to their users‟ specific needs. Here I explore the venues used for folk singing and describe the features that make particular places conducive to different kinds of folk singing activity.

That folk singers recognise the importance of adequate spaces, and fear for the lack of suitable venues, can be seen through folk music

discourse of both the field of academia and the context under study

(MacKinnon 1993:39; West 2008). It should be of little surprise, therefore, that when a suitable venue is found it may house a number of different events. The Royal Hotel, The Kelham Island Tavern and The Hillsborough Hotel all host a variety of different clubs and/or sessions.

Gaining a reputation for being a folk music pub can generate a sense of community around a building as well as with individually organised events. This is evidenced by the patterns of attendance of diary participants during the Sheffield Folk Festival. While some people used the festival as an

opportunity to explore new venues, a number of people attended events held at the same venue as one of their regular activities, but failed to explore the wider festival programme happening elsewhere in the city. This is similarly found by Ben Malbon (1998) in his study of the way people relate to places within the nightclub scene. According to Malbon, clubbers felt an affinity with places as well as with the people within them. This shows that familiarity with a venue impacts upon an individual‟s sense of belonging; venues could therefore be seen as a constituent part of the community.

The style of an environment communicates certain assumptions about the community that meets therein and similarities or differences can be identified which describe variations in the experience participants may expect to have (further discussed in the following section 4.2). This affects the criteria folk organisers use to choose the venues for their events.

20

Palaeolithic hunter gatherers, for example, held rituals in the most acoustic parts of caves (Hale 2007:28-31).

While connections between folk music and rural locations due to romantic imaginings of folk traditions have been drawn (MacKinnon 1993; Feintuch 2001), I did not find evidence to suggest this in the contemporary context. Although both were used for folk singing activities, rural locations were deemed no more suitable for folk singing than urban ones, and rather the venues‟ internal environment and the attitudes of landlords were of higher significance.

The association between folk singing and the consumption of alcohol is strongly ingrained within the folk singing community. One common theme found in the events attended by participants during the diary period was that they were, without exception, either held in alcohol licensed premises or people were invited to bring their own. Particularly strong associations are drawn with Real Ale and many organisers stress that they select bars that provide such beverages. While Michael Brocken implies a negative

connotation to the way folk singers „conform to intellectual predispositions‟ through their drink choices (2003:116), the use of style based mood

enhancers is not unique to the folk scene. Other forms of alcohol are popular in different social contexts, and recreational drugs are associated with the experience found in dance music scenes (Malbon 1998).

Beyond the use of alcohol as a group defining marker, Michael Argyle states that „[a]lcohol is a common feature of social life with friends… alcohol produces enhanced feelings of happiness, sociability, excitement and

freedom…It leads to enhanced sociability by the reduction of inhibitions, and increased intimacy‟ (1996:112). While there may be some who drink to excess within folk events, the general population drink moderately, and as many have driven to venues a relatively high percentage (compared to the average pub attendees) are sober. Including alcohol within events not only has the effect of enhancing the experience for individuals, but raises the general atmosphere and contributes to the experience had by others as the increased sociability is projected around the group.

Most events are organised by people otherwise unaffiliated with the venue, however, many incorporate the name of the pub in which they are held in their event titles (for example Royal Folk; The Beehive Folk Club and Kelham Island Singing session). This recently caused problems for a club

held at The Rockingham Arms that, due to a change in brewer policy, was forced to leave the pub. The club now meet in a new venue but have retained a modified version of their established name (see figure 4.2).

Despite the earlier made point regarding participants‟ relationship with venues, this highlights the „club‟ nature of the relationship between

participants and events as committed attendees faithfully follow their club to its new location. Invariably, some attendees leave the club during these changes and the nature of the event alters to suit the particulars of its new venue. Organisers do not tend to view this form of change as desirable and the process is usually initiated by the pub rather than through the choice of the organiser. This can often involve periods of short notice.

Due to a desire for swift relocation (organisers do not wish to miss meetings for fear of members finding a new club to attend, or the necessity to fulfil financial contracts with artists), and an unwillingness to change their regular evening, there may not be a wide variety of suitable, available

Figure 4:2 Two adverts appearing on the back pages of Stirrings magazine demonstrating the name change of ‘The Rockingham Arms’ (issue ) to ‘The Rock’

venues to choose from. This can result in clubs meeting in sub-ideal spaces for prolonged periods due to their disinclination for further relocation, and subsequent change.

This draws attention to the importance of maintaining a positive relationship between the landlord and staff, and the organisers and

attendees of clubs. Methods of maintaining good relationships with venues include organisers being conscious of finishing on time and requesting people take their glasses back to the bar.

Beyond holding the power to allow a club to meet on their premises, venue personnel can also affect the event in other ways. Friendly,

accommodating and encouraging landlords are described by diary

participants as being valuable, and positive actions include providing a genial welcome for attendees, contributing to publicising the event and making financial contributions/concessions. Negative comments were made where the management seem unsupportive or unsympathetic towards their events. This manifests itself in the use of jukeboxes or watching televised football alongside folk events, or participating in the event in an inappropriate way. These faux pas were attributed to publicans‟ lack of knowledge about „folk club etiquette‟ with the suggestion that they might be able to be trained (D~Roy). In general, however, there is little interaction between folk attendees and the bar personnel except when purchasing beer and it is unusual for them to actively participate in the folk singing activities they accommodate.

The editor of Stirrings recognises a lack of connection between the folk scene and wider society:

I dance every week in a community hall but have no

contact with those people who use the hall for local history or even other dance events. How many times is this repeated? – whilst we‟re fiercely protective of our own fascinations, there is a bigger world out there, often the very one which we‟re sheltering our fragile passions from. Perhaps our activities would endure (and benefit) the outside world a little better if we really invited the outside world in. (Davenport 2007)

While this is a common cry from many folk singers, there remains a practice of keeping the sites of performance private. The attendees of folk

singing events are, as described above, frequently distinct from local

residents, and similarly from other patrons of the pub. The majority of events are held in self-enclosed back- or upstairs-rooms in semi-private spaces. Others are in areas distinct from the main bar, but include interaction with other patrons. (For example, the back room of the Kelham Island Tavern has access to the beer garden and a coffee machine and so accommodates a flow of other pub-based traffic.) Where events are held in fully public areas they receive negative comments during the diary project concerning

interference from other pub entertainment, bar functions (till noise; glass washing etc) or from other patrons.

To investigate this further I tested two contexts within the same pub on participants of The Singing Group, an informal session I run. One week we sang in the main bar, the following meeting we sat in an adjacent

conservatory. None found it enjoyable singing in the main bar, with frequent comments about having difficulty concentrating or hearing others over the noise. The conservatory was much preferred as it offered a semi-private space in which „we could hear each other better‟ (D~Philip). This

demonstrates that, while interacting with the wider public is desirable in order to increase awareness of folk singing, it is not conducive to the practice. Fulfilling the desire for a successful event results in private or semi-private spaces being used and self-enclosed meeting places appear to be the ideal for those participating.

The clear physical demarcation between folk singing activities and other pub activities creates the possibility of distinct types of behaviour. John Smith writes:

One solution to the problem of providing a good

performance environment in a pub where the pervading space is semi-public is to create, within the pub itself, a new semi-private zone and thereby re-establish the spatial hierarchy. I suggest that the spatio-temporal marking off of a particular room on a particular evening as a "Folk Club" does just that. This enables a separate set of rules governing the social behaviour of those who chose to