Despite being a heterogeneous group with ancestors varying from cultural groups in the neighbouring Indonesian islands or sometimes up to India, China, Middle East or even Europe, one can still discern a common Malay ethnic identity. Two unique characteristics that identify the Malays are their strong attachment to adat Melayu or Malay customary practices and their adherence to Islam as a religion. Thus, this sub-section is broken down into two: “Malay Customary Practices” which focuses on the Malay personality in relation to the close ties with their customs and “Malay-Islam Fusion” which discusses the distinctive synthesis between the Malay culture and Islamic practices.
a. Malay Customary Practices
According to Wilder (1982), the adat Melayu which characterises the Malay community, is comprehensive and it includes many obscure beliefs and ideas. For instance, despite the technological advancement and exposure to the globalised world, the customary practice of traditional healing that normally involve the chanting of magical spells is still embedded in the Malay psyche. Despite the fact that this tradition is no longer influential in this modern age, it is still being practiced amongst some Malays whose links with their villages are still strong. It is an important Malay legacy because like many other beliefs and customs, it is sourced from a depository of understanding and passed down from generation to generation (Endicott, 1972).
Nevertheless, side by side with these sometimes incomprehensible Malay values, there are many features of customary practices that are obvious and they include costume, marriage ceremonies and manners. In describing Malay etiquette and mannerisms, Sardar’s (2000: 136) eloquent account explains it all:
The gentle and eclectic mingles seamlessly with formal punctilious orthodoxy and precise organisation; appearing to be correct, observing the rules, is a major concern for Malays, a shared cultural predisposition and preoccupation. Religious education for young Malays is highly organized, a visible presence.
To put it simply, a stereotypical Malay is, among other characteristics, modest, unassuming and cultivated. More importantly, he or she takes pride and has a deep knowledge of his or her own unique cultural heritage. As a close-knit community, the Malays maintain a close link with their extended families as it is in their culture to look after their elderly parents. The bond between grown-up working children and their parents is normally preserved by providing regular financial support and making regular visits (Rokiah, 2000). In relation to this, because of their strong spirit of camaraderie (Wilder, 1982), by and large the Malays attempt to set up kampung-like communities wherever they go. In his thesis on Malaysia’s new middle class, Abdul Rahman (2002) claims that the presence of Malays in an area can be traced by the existence of surau-based activities or gotong royong for a special occasion such as preparation of children’s wedding feast or religious thanksgiving rituals.
Being courteous individuals, they are also generally reserved and normally keep their thoughts to themselves unless they find it truly necessary to speak. On this issue, Salleh (1994) reiterates Swettenham’s (1887) claim that it is within the Malay character to keep their feelings suppressed. In describing the Malays as essentially hedonistic, Salleh (1994) goes further to explain that this feeling of self-gratification broods within the Malay psyche, concealed by a larger force or imagined authority (ibid:155). Nevertheless this restrained characteristic does not mean they are poor communicators. Wilder (1982: 111) affirms that it is part of the Malay custom to enquire about certain things constantly because they are active communicators.
Culturally and socially, they can blend well with the local Chinese and Indian ethnic groups and they enjoy watching Chinese kung fu films, Hindi or Tamil movies (Heide, 2002).
They are also quite obliging with foreigners who visit or settle down in the country (Wilder, 1982). Nevertheless, because it is considered local dignity to speak with the same accent, anyone from the community who has been away for sometime and comes back with a “foreign accent” is often criticised or teased (ibid : 34, 113). The question that begs an answer is, with more young Malays now globally exposed to the media and becoming occasional travelers overseas, is this phenomenon still relevant?
Perhaps the gentle and polite nature of the Malays is one logical reason for their heavy emphasis on hierarchy and social status within the society, although these aspects may at most times and situations, be implicit. On this subject, Sardar (2000:
141) notes that to the Malay, it is significant that an individual’s superiority or inferiority is accorded. Referred in the Malay language as pangkat, a person’s status is so pertinent that any adult, male or female over the age of about 40 years old has a status based on relative age, generation or birth-order (Wilder, 1982: 80). In fact, it is considered ill-mannered for a Malay individual to address someone older than himself or herself by his or her name (ibid: 79). Sardar (2000) reasons that as the Hindu influence was very dominant among the Malays before the spread of Islam in the 14th century, the obsession with social status and hierarchy is very much similar to the Hindu practice of the caste system.
To further underline the impact of social status within the mindset of the Malays, the following are some examples of the stereotype terms used as a show of respect for individuals within various strata of the Malay society:
i. among family members, uncles start with the term Pak, the English version of
“dad” and aunties start with Mak which is “mum”; therefore Pak Long is the eldest uncle in the family because Long is short for Sulong or eldest and Mak Su is the youngest auntie because Su is short for Bongsu which is youngest;
ii. between the royalty, the group that is highly respected, Tengku refers to prince;
iii. as a token of respect for Malays and non-Malays who have been accorded a
medal or decoration by the king, the Datuk is equivalent to the English
“Sir” whilst a Tan Sri and Tun is a level and two levels higher, respectively;
iv. as a firm mark of esteem, school teachers are classed as Cikgu wherein cik is short for Encik which means mister and gu is short for guru, a Malay word for teacher (ibid) and;
v. the regard given to persons of high rank particularly for Europeans who were serving Malaya during the colonial rule is expressed with the word Tuan, which means “Sir”(ibid).
At this point, it is important to note that, it is in the Malay-Muslim mind to confer high reverence for people they consider as knowledgeable in Islam, academic or non-academic. Although many Western-influenced Malays have begun questioning the overzealous admiration of some Muslim Malays towards the ulamas, the latter is still highly respected in the Malay Muslim society (Farish, 2000). Even a person who has made a pilgrimage to Mecca to fulfill his fifth obligation as a practicing Muslim is given the title Haji and addressed as such before his name. Many of the Hajis particularly from the provincial areas wear the white scull cap as a status symbol to identify themselves as successful pilgrims. A more detailed deliberation on the issue of Malays and Islam is reserved in the consequent sub-section.
Having established the obsessive nature of the Malays towards the significance of status in society, one needs to look at feudal patronage of the Malays as another related trait. Sardar (2000: 140) traces this practice to the times before the colonialists established themselves in Malaya in the 16th century. As it is, feudal patronage which correlates with the undivided loyalty of the Malay citizens towards their kings has
long been a part of the Malay culture. Sardar (ibid) indicates that, the colonialists in wanting to rule Malaya embarked on a strategy to reduce the sovereignty of the rulers by subtly putting them under their tutelage. They allowed the dependence of the patron-client system of relations between the ruler and the Malays to flourish and made it appear that the power and influence of patronage was still in the hands of the ruler although in actual fact, they (the colonialists) were in control. Today, although the ruling elites are no longer the royalties, the vestiges of Malay feudalism are still stuck within the ruling Malay political system (see The Star, 2006b). It is vital to point out that the patrons in this inherited system of feudal patronage are not only the Malay leaders in UMNO but also the Malay business elites. As such, most ordinary Malays, consciously or subconsciously, keep to the idea that their careers and prosperity are shaped and moulded by these privileged and influential group of Malays. Sardar (2000: 140) claims,
where patronage is concerned, individuals matter, rather than laying down rules and regulations that somehow never have the flexibility to cope with special cases, when everyone is a special case.
Thus, other than having total admiration for power, the Malays are by and large extremely loyal to their leaders although they are aware that as humans, the leaders are fallible and may sometimes lack self-control. Sardar (ibid: 141) adds, “The hallmark of Malay character- traditional, modern, postmodern-is loyalty to the system and those who maintain and manage it.”
b. The Malay-Islam Fusion
As Muslims for more than 600 years (see Abdul Rahman, 1996), the life of the Malay society is very much influenced by their understanding of Islam. Indeed, according to the Malaysian constitution, a “Malay” is not only a person who habitually speaks Malay and follows Malay customs and traditions but he must also be a Muslim in his religious belief (Korff, 2001). Being known as a modest, respectful and eclectic ethnic group, the Islamic faith as practiced by the Malays is also a reflection of these characteristics.
Because they have absorbed and adopted an assortment of history and traditions from
environment and exposed to the Western colonial culture, they can be categorized as pragmatic in their daily observances as Muslims. Thus, their characters are different from the other Muslim societies such as those from the Middle East or South Asia.
In their quest to be better Muslims, they continue to seek the validation, explanation, interpretation and resolution on various issues and subjects within the framework of Islamic ideas (Wilder, 1982). As an example, Malaysia’s Islam acknowledges women’s rights as individuals. Like their men folk, the Malay-Muslim women work as factory workers, teachers, lawyers, doctors and many other professions. Besides this, it is a familiar sight to see them mix freely with men in public places. In fact, at the present moment the public and private colleges and universities around the country are dominated by more than 60 percent female students (Anuar, 2006).
Another notable feature among the Malay Muslim women is that many are now wearing the tudung as a symbol of their identity especially with the present heightening of self-consciousness about being a Muslim, since Islam dominates public discourse. Nonetheless, they do so with elegance and vitality, in various colours and designs to match their attire. Additionally, for the more daring younger ones who are attracted to the tight-fitting Western attire, they would combine a fashionable tudung to cover their heads with the latest Western dress. While they try hard to acknowledge the Islamic tradition, they are also inclined to keep up with the times.
The manifestation of the contradiction of modernity and tradition among the Malay Islam society is, as indicated in the earlier sub-section, similar to the inconsistencies of the feudalistic system that flow profoundly in the Malay society against their exemplary moderate and pleasant demeanor as a Muslim. The same is true when one relates to the obsession of some rural Malays with their long-held adat Melayu, parts of which comprise very old traditional customs (Wilder, 1982) involving incantations that are clearly opposed to Islamic practice. Sardar (2000: 136) notes,
Malay certainty about identity, rooted, as it is in Islam, includes, involves and lives with all the contradictions, paradoxes and earnest debate that form the contemporary state of Muslims everywhere; all attempts at questions and answers are evident and available.
With these conflicting arguments surrounding the Malays, the more hesitant ones would keep this suppressed feeling within their mindset and in the long run would make them less self-assured about themselves. On the contrary, one can also argue that this conflict between customary practices and religious faith also demonstrates that the Malays will give their utmost to Islam but will not compromise to situations that would weaken their Malay character. However, one question is still left unanswered. Would constant exposure to advertisements depicting the Western culture change their Malay Islam persona?
To recap, this sub-section on “The Malay Customs and Islam” attempts to provide an account of the Malay as a pragmatic person who is passionate with his traditional customary belief and his Islamic faith. However, the typical Malays are generally unaware that some of the practices contradict one another. While they are well-mannered as encouraged in Islam, they tend to be submissive to authority and power, which could be interpreted as going against the Islamic faith. Thus, the Malay personality is an assorted blend of strict adherence to customs, religion and practicality. As a consequence, added to the fact that the concept of domination is embedded in his psyche, he could at times be locked with feelings of insecurity.