EL ESCENARIO QUE ENFRENTABA EL COMPLEJO AUTOMOTOR HACIA MEDIADOS DE LOS ‘90

chéitbada (gen. sg.) Ml. 98b_{5, no·déitnaigtis 'stridebant' 54}d_20.

55. On the other hand, in final syllables this é is generally written, éu, éo or íu when it precedes u-quality or palatal l r n. Before palatal l r n the spelling éiu (cp. éi above) also occurs. Thus cenél 'kindred, gender', dat. cenéul ceníul, gen. cenéuil cenéoil ceníuil cenéiuil; fér 'grass', gen. féiuir ; én 'bird', dat. éun, gen. éuin éoin éiuin ; ad·gén 'I have known', 3 sg. ad·géuin ·géiuin.

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A similar development before t is confined to a few words (see § 209 ); e.g. ét 'jealousy', dat. éut, gen. éuit éoit.

Such words also show diphthongization in non-final stressed syllables when the following syllable contains -u or -i; e.g. ace. pl. éonu, tríunu from trén 'strong', béolu from bél 'lip'; do·scéulaim (for earlier -lim) 'I explore' from scél, gen. scéuil, 'tidings'. Unstressed vowels, on the other hand, are not diphthongized: ní·toscéli Thes. II. 18, 32; soscéle 'Gospel', dat. soscélu ; cenéle 'kind', dat. cenélu Wb. 2a _(recte b₎

22. Exceptions such as cenéolu 3b_{24 (probably attracted by the shorter cenéul ) and dochenéulai nom.}

pl. 'degenerate' Ml. 122d_{1 (probably attracted by nom. sg. dochenéuil ) are rare. Diphthongization does}

not occur in words which have no form ending in a palatal or u-quality consonant; e.g. do·géni 'he did' (- gegn-), ·dénim 'I do' beside deuterotonic do·gníu.

In the u and o a trace of the lost consonant appears. Evidently the phonetic distinction between the é of § 53 and that of § 54 lies in a tendency towards final lowering (whence ía) and raising (cp. éi in Wb.), i.e., towards eɛ and ɛe respectively.

56. In Wb. i is often written after stressed final é, e; e.g. do·téi 3 sg. subj. of do·tíag 'I come'

(elsewhere ·té ); ad·sléi subj. of ad·slig 'induces'; immallei 'together', illei 'hither', elsewhere immalle, ille ( § 845 ); fri dei (probably déi ) 'by day' 9a_{5, but fri de 6}a_{30 and elsewhere; dæ + ́i 'of God' 22}c_10,

otherwise (even in Wb.) dé dée ; but always é 'he, they', mé 'I', ro·bé 'may he be'.

57. i corresponds to IE. i

, e.g.

ibid 'drinks', Skt. píbati, Lat. bibit.

find 'fair', Gk. ϭνδαλλεσθαι 'to appear', Skt. vindáti 'find'.

For i < ĕ see § 75 ff. , i in the groups ri li in im, § 214 f.58. í, where it does not represent compensatorily lengthened ĭ, corresponds to:

a.

_{IE. ī, e.g.}

ro·bith 'has been struck', O.Slav. biti 'to strike'.

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rím 'number', OHG. rīm 'number', Lat. rītus 'institution, rite'. b.

_{IE. ē, e.g.}

síl 'seed', Lat. sēmen, O.Slav. sěti 'to sow'. rí , gen. ríg, 'king', Lat. rēx, gen. rēgis.

mí , gen. mís, 'month', < *_{mēns-, Lesb. gen. μη + ̑ννος Lat. mēnsis, Goth. mēna 'moon'.}

fír 'true', Lat. uērus, O.Slav. věra 'faith'. lín 'number', lín(a)id 'fills', Lat. plēnus. míl 'animal', Gk. μη + ̑λον 'sheep, goat'.

In some words the origin of í is not clear. Thus in íth gl. puls Sg. 70a_{5, 113}b_{5 (20}a_{2) = Mid.W. iwt}

(Mod.W. uwd) 'porridge'. O.Bret. O.Corn. iot, Mod.Bret. ioud iod, Med.Lat. iotta, it seems probable that í has not developed from i + ̯ u but has been lengthened by attraction to Ir. íth 'fat' (subst.), gen. ítha, with original ī; cp. Gk. πι + ̄μελη 'fat' (subst.), Skt. pīnáḥ 'fat' (adj.).

In íce (fem. ā-stem) 'healing, salvation' beside W. Corn. iach, Bret. iac'h 'healthy' the ī has certainly not developed from i + ̯a. Original by-forms with i_{ǝkk- (whence Britannic iach) and īkk- are possible but by no} means certain; cp. Gk. ϭκος 'remedy' (see also Sommer, Wörter und Sachen VII. 102 ff.).

Another difficult word is tír (neut. s-stem) 'land' (Britannic also tir), whence the adj. tírim 'dry'. A stem

*_{tēres- ( Vendryes, MSL. XIII. 385) beside√ters- (Gk. τερσεσθαι, etc.) is not reliably attested in any other}

language. Perhaps orig. ters-r. . with r-suffix, whence tēsr- > Ir. tír (simplified differently in Osc. teerům 'land' with secondary ē); cp. mír 'morsel' ( § 216 ) < IE. mēmsr-, Lat. membrum, Gk. μηρος 'thigh', cognate with Skt. māḥ, māṃsám 'flesh'.

For íss- < iess-, fut. of the verb 'to eat', see § 658 a.

59. o + ̆ corresponds to IE. o + ̆, e.g. ocht 'eight', Lat. octo, Gk. ϭκτω. roth (masc. o-stem) 'wheel', Lat. rota.

orbe 'inheritance', Goth. arbi, cp. Lat. orbus, Gk. ϭρϕανος, Armen. orb 'orphan'. For o < u see § 73 ff. , < a § 80.

60. ó.

Collection: Zupitza, ZCP. III. 275 ff., 591 ff.

(a) Where ó is not due to the contraction of o and a following vowel, it frequently goes back either to the (pre-Irish)

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diphthong ou, under which IE. ou and eu had fallen together, or to au followed by a consonant (other than single s, see § 69 ).Whereas this ó is preserved in archaic texts, by the time of Wb. it has generally been diphthongized to úa under the accent, except before a guttural (g, ch). In Ml. and Sg.úa has developed before gutturals also, though not consistently. The diphthonoization spreads to weakly stressed words like húare 'because' Ml. Sg. beside (h)óre Wb.; (h)úa, prep. before its case, beside. (h)ó Ml. Sg., in Wb. only ó, but úa when stressed, as in úait 'from thee', (h)úad 'from him', etc.; úas 'over' Ml. as against ós Wb., but t-úas (stressed) 'up, above', etc., in Wb. as in all other sources.

There are traces of a form óa intermediate between ó and úa; e.g. óas 'over', tóare for túare 'food' ZCP. XVII. 196, 198.

Examples:Original eu: túath 'tribe, people' (W. tud), Goth. þiuda, Osc. touto; cp. Gaul. Teutates (a god), Marti Toutati, Totatigenus, gen. Touto-diuicis, Toutillus, Matribus Ollo-totis, etc.; arch. Ir. Tōthal (man's name), later Túathal.srúaim 'flood, current', Gk. ϭευ + ̑μα.Original ou: rúad 'red' (W. rhudd), Goth. rauþs, Lat. rūfus, Umbr. acc. pl. rofu, Lith. raudà 'red colour'; cp. Gaul. Roudius, Anderoudus.Original au: úaithed úathad 'singleness', Gk. αϭτος 'alone, self', ON. auđr 'desolate'; probably connected with the prep. ó, úa 'from, by', Lat. au-ferre, O.Pruss. acc. sg. au-mūsnan 'washing off'. For ar·túaissi 'listen to' see § 69 a.

For ō úa < op (ap) see § 227 (f) .

For the fluctuation between ó and úa

before gutturals compare:

tróg 'miserable' Wb., tróg and trúag Ml., trógán beside trúag Sg.; cp. W. tru, Gk. στρευγεσθαι 'to be exhausted', Gaul. Trougillus, Trogus.

slóg, gen. slóig, 'troop, host', more frequent than slúag in Ml. (slúag Sg.), W. llu, Gaul. Catu-slugi ( Pliny), O.Slav. sluga 'servant'.

Final ó is not diphthongized, except for the preposition ó, úa, which is a proclitic word. Cp. bó 'cow', probably < *_{bous (orig. g}w_{ōus, Skt. gauḥ), but búachaill beside bóchaill 'cowherd', W. bugail, Gk.}

ßουκολος.

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61. (b) Medial ó before a consonant may also go back to ow' after which a non-palatal vowel has been elided; e.g. cór(a)e (*_{coware, § 158 ) 'peace' from coïr 'proper, orderly'. Here too diphthongization may}

take place, but is often prevented by the influence of related words. Thus the prepositions to + fo- (tow') become túa- where they are no longer felt as prepositions (as in túachil 'sly', to fochell 'heed').

Otherwise they become tó-; e.g. tóbe 'shortening', vb.n. of do·fui-bnimm.62. (c) ó representing compensatorily lengthened ŏ (whether original ŏ or lowered ŭ § 73 ) is sometimes diphthongized, sometimes not; the reasons for this variation are obscure. Examples: ·cúalae 'he heard' < *_{cochl. .,} *_cu-

cl. ., reduplicated pret. of ro·cluinethar ; dúal 'plait, tassel' probably < *_{doklo-, corresponding to ON.}

tagl OE. tægl 'tail'; but brón 'grief', W. brwyn, probably < *_{brugno- (possibly influenced by broc 'grief');}

srón 'nose', W. ffroen, < *_{sroηgnā (? Cp. Gk. ϭεγχειν, ϭεγχειν, ϭυγχος ?).(d) In Latin loan-words also ó}

is often diphthongized; e.g. glúas(s) 'glossa'; úar beside hór 'hora' Wb., but always fo chét-óir 'at once' (unstressed).(e) For ó < Ir. áu see § 69.

ó beside ŏ in ómun (later also úamun ) ŏmun (confirmed by rhyme) 'fear', W. ofn (with ŏ), is probably due to the influence of the synonym úath (arch. *_{ōth ) 'terror'. For cóic 'five' see § 392.}

63. It might have been expected that ó would remain undiphthongized before u-quality consonants, as é remains before palatal. Dat. sg. óthud 'singular number, singleness' Sg. 41a_{8, 92}b_{2, 198}b_{3 is a possible}

example of this, but is perhaps more likely to be an archaic form used to denote the grammatical term, for uathuth 71b_{3 and conversely nom. sg. hóthad 198}a_{22, gen. sg. hódid 66}b_{9, are also found. In this}

period u-quality had already begun to disappear.

64.

ŭ corresponds to IE. ŭ, e.g.

sruth (u-stem) 'brook, stream', W. ffrwd; cp. Gk. ϭυτος, Skt. srutáḥ 'flowing'. luid 'he went', Gk. ϭλυθε.

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dub (u-stem) 'black', W. du; cp. Gk. τυϕλος 'blind', Goth. dumbs 'dumb', Gaul. Dubis (river-name). For u < o see § 75 ff., < a § 80 ; for ru < ri § 223, 1.

65. ú, where it does not represent

secondarily lengthened ŭ, corresponds to IE ū, e.g.

cúl 'back' (W. cil), Lat. cūlus.

rún fem. 'secret' (W. rhin), Goth. rūna. mūr (poetic) 'great number', Gk. μϭ + ́ριοι.

For ú > Ir. áu see § 69.

THE TRUE DIPHTHONGS