Reinserción laboral: trayectorias de salida

no. 71), cognate with Mid.W. nei, Lat. nepos, beside teë 'hot'; iach gen. sg. of eo é 'salmon', Gallo-Lat,. esox; siur 'sister', dual sieir. There are also instances of stressed o becoming u in hiatus; e.g. fuar, vb.n., and fo·ru-ar perf. of fo·fera 'causes' (-ar from -er, cp. § 77 ); note further do·ruïch (-fích) and

do·ruacht beside do·roacht (-fecht, earlier *_{-wichto-), perf. act. and pass. of do·fich 'avenges'.}

o, u FOR a, AND SIMILAR MUTATIONS

80. (a) An original a between a labial (or labial + r) and a palatal or u-quality consonant appears often,

though not consistently, as o, which in accordance with § 75 f. may further develop to u.

Examples: marb 'dead', nom. pl. moirb and mairb ; ball 'member', nom. pl. boill, acc. bullu, beside

baill, baullu ; brat 'cloak', dat. sg. brot, diminutive broitére : muig beside maig, dat. sg. of mag

'field'. Cp. also crann 'tree' (with c< qw_{-), gen. cruinn, dat. crunn ; here, however, the a, as contrasted}

with Britann. prenn, Gaul. prenne 'arborem grandem' ( Endlicher Gloss.), has not been explained and is doubtless secondary. Mid.Ir. rann 'strophe', dat. runn, acc. pl. runnu (originally = rond 'chain'?) is probably modelled on this.

Some nouns which show the above change of a to u have o instead of a in their other cases by analogy with nominal forms in which the alternation of u and o is regular ( §§ 73, 75 ); e.g. mug 'serf' from

etc.; fot 'length' influenced by gen. fuit, dat. fut, probably cognate with Lat. uăstus 'vast'; foss 'youth, servant', cp. nom. pl. fuis TBC.2837, = Britann. gwas, Gallo-Lat. uassus, Uasso-rix, etc.

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The above rule does not account for those words, not yet satisfactorily explained, in which Celtic o appears for the a of related languages; e.g. Ir. muir (i-stem) 'sea', W. Bret. mor, Gaul. Are-morici, Morini, Lat. mare; loch (u-stem) 'lake', Gaul. Penne-locos, name of place at end (penne) of Lake Geneva (Itin. Ant.) = Ir. Cenn Locho Thes. II. 271, 8 ( Arm.), Lat. lacus, cp. Gk. λεκκος 'hole, cistern, pond'; buide 'yellow', possibly also contained in Gaul. Bodio-casses, Lat. badius 'bay-coloured'.

(b) Only before u-quality consonance is o sometimes found instead of au; e.g. ro·laumur 'I dare' Wb. 17a_{8 and}

ro·lomur Ml. 21b_{5 (cp. Trip.166, 2), arch. ru·laimur Wb. I. 17}c_{21; aub 'river' LL 13}b_{7, oub Thes. II. 340, 54, ob}

Trip. 256, 3, etc., acc. abinn. On the other hand, there is fluctuation between au and u in laugu lugu 'smaller' (also laigiu ), cp. lagat 'smallness'; in later MSS. caur cur 'hero ', gen. caurad curad, stem *_{caruth-, cp.}

Germ. Harudes,Xαρου + ̑δες; Caulan(n ) and Culann, man's name, Ogam CALUNO-VIC... Macal. III. 185; cp. also for·cun 'I teach' (for·chun Wb. 10a_{13), caunu 'I sing' ZCP. XXI. 283 (√can-), beside ad·gaur 'I sue' Thes.}

II. 228, 30. These variations in the quality of the vowel are evidently conditioned by the character of the consonant preceding the vowel as well as by that of the following u-quality consonant.

(c) In certain other words original a and e before uquality consonants are represented by au, e, i, more rarely by u (which first becomes common in Middle Irish), and quite exceptionally by ai.

Thus the prep. ad- before the prep. uss- (oss-) in audbirt (ace. sg.) 'oblation, sacrifice' Thes. II. 26, 40, nom. sg. in Wb. idbart, in Ml.edbart, vb.n. of ad·opuir 'offers', ·idbarat 3 pl. Wb. 1b_{20, etc. (ad-uss-ber-). Cp. also}

audsud 'treasure, treasury' Trip.62, 4 (autsad? Laws IV. 188, 11), etsad Ml. 51d_{8, dat. pl. itsadaibh Hib.}

Min.7, 226; later istad (not u-).

The remaining instances all occur before labials and liquids:

aupaith (ad + buith) 'charm, spell' Thes. II. 250, 11, adj. aupthach IT. I. 187, 16; epaid Thes. II. 248, 7, ipthach Wb. 9b_{21, ibdach Thes. II. 248, 12; later upaid.}

laubir (-buir, -bair) 'labour' Cam., Ériu VII. 172, § le, lebuir 142 § 7, 162 § 3 , later lubair, which does not come directly

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from Lat. labor, but from the intermediate Britannic form represented by W. llafur.

taul (stem *_{talu-) 'forehead, boss', tel tul, dat. pl. tilaib LL (see Miscellany K. Meyer, p. 287). From this}

probably comes taulach (dat. taulich Thes. II. 266, 41 ( Arm.), taulaig LL 301b_{41) 'hill', telach Trip.,}

tailach LL 21a_{10, dat. telaig Ml. 55}c_{1, Trip.154, 11 (rhyming with feraib ), tilich Anecd. I. 5, 29; dat. pl.}

telchaib Ml. 14a_{11, tilchaib 14}a_{9; later tulach.}

Cp. the prep. aur-, ir-, er-, § 823.

ilach 'paean' Thes. II. 227, 22 etc., acc. elig Fianaig. 24, 22; later ulach; W. (loan-word) elwch, which suggests that the original vowel was e-.

aul 'wall' gen. elo (Contrib.), with original el-? From this, perhaps, comes aulad 'grave' RC. XXV. 346, 3, ilad, dat. elaid ailaid, later ulad (Contrib. s.v. ailad ).

Craumthan(n) Cremthan(n) Crimthann, man's name; cp. Mid.Ir. crim crem, gen. crema, 'wild garlic'; stem cremu-? But W. craf 'garlic', Gk. κρομυον 'onion'.

Evidently we are dealing here with a vowel for which the Irish script had no unambiguous symbol. The fact that it is sometimes written i and can rhyme with e, as contrasted with its later from u, suggests that the sound may have undergone modification, possibly from close to open ö. But this vowel has also spread to words where it did not originally belong; e.g. no-b·irpaid 'ye shall confide' Wb. 8b_{2 (verbal}

stem erbi-); tecbáil 'raising' Trip.44, 12; 260, 6 beside, tocbáil (to-uss-gab-).

In ó'nn-urid 'since last year' Wb. 16c_{14. later inn-uraid 'last year', as against Dor. περυσι Att. περυσι, e}

before ru _{seems to have become u; for it is improbable that this word had an old o-grade (}*_poruti).

mór (never in Sg.) beside már 'great', Gaul. -marus, Maro-, is probably due, not to the initial m has has been suggested, but to the comparative mó from máu ( § 375 ).

a FOR o.

81. 1. Between f and palatal consonants a is often, though not consistently, written for o; e.g. failsigud beside foilsigud 'revealing' from follus 'clear'; fair beside foir 'on him' (prep. for ); fairggæ Sg.112 ( Thes. II. 290, 4) beside foirggæ 124a_{1, foirrce 67}b_{9 'sea'; fadirci nom. pl. 'visible' Ml. 40}d_{16 (prep. fo ).}

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In later MSS. oi _{and a}i _{(sometimes also u}i_{) are completely confused. There is constant fluctuation between}

a and o in the later language, even where palatal consonance does not follow.

82. 2. The verbal prefix ro sometimes appears as ra when the following syllable contains or originally contained a. In most of the examples the a has been syncopated. Thus we generally find ra in the prototonic forms of ro-lā- 'put' ( § 762 ), e.g. 2 pl. pf. ·ralsid Wb. 15a_{1 <} *_{·ro-lāsid (but 3 pl. ·rolsat Ml.}

16d_{2), 1 sg. subj. ·ral Wb. 7}a_{4, etc.; also in ·ragbtha Ml. 35}b_{24, prototonic of ro·gabtha 'they have been}

sung', and the like. ·rab(a)e beside ·rob(a)e 'has been' has doubtless been influenced by other persons such as 3 pl. ·rabatar beside ·robatar. Similarly ·farggaib 'has left' (deuterot. fo·rácaib ), etc.

In the same way the preposition to- (tu-) may have become ta in pf. ·tarat 'has given' (deuterotonic do·rat ), pass. ·tardad (deuterot. do·ratad ), and hence spread to the present ·tabir 'gives, brings' (deuterot. do·beir ), etc. ( § 759, II ); cp. the arch. pret. ·tubert ZCP. VIII. 308, 34, ·tubart Thes. II. 242, 20. Cp. further 3 sg. ·tarla, deuterotonic do·rala (from ·rola, see above); targabál beside torgabál 'commission (of a crime)', from do·ro-gaib 'commits' (see also § 855 ).

Other instances of ta-, however, are doubtless to be explained differently. Thus tar(a)isse beside tor(a)isse 'firm, faithful', tar(a)issiu beside tor(a)issiu 'fidelity', tar(a)isnech beside tor(a)isnech 'faithful', etc. (cp. O.Bret. toruisiolion gl. 'fidis') may be ascribed to the influence of tairissem (to-air- sessam) with the cognate meaning 'standing fast'. Similarly tasgid 'sustenance' Wb. 29a_{13 beside}

toschid, pf. do-m·r-oisechtatar 'they have sustained me', where perhaps t(o)-ad- has replaced earlier to-oss-. In taiscélud Ml. 90c_{1, otherwise toscélud, vb.n. of do·scéul(a)i 'explores', and nom. pl.}

taiscéltai 'spies' Tur. 130, the prepositions may have been felt to be to-aith- or to-ad-. INTERCHANGE OF e AND a

83. (a) Before palatal consonants e is often replaced by a. In certain words this change occurs consistently; e.g.

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nom.acc.dat. daig 'fire, flame', gen. dego -a, Celtic stem degi-, cp. Mid.W. de 'fiery, hot'; tailm (teilm only once, Corm. 1215) 'sling', gen. telma, and similar nouns ( § 302, 1 ); saidid 'sits', pl. sedait, cp. Lat. sedere ( § 549 ); aisndís 'exposition' (ess-ind-).

In certain other words there is fluctuation between e and a; e.g. elit and ailit 'hind'; enech and ainech 'face, honour' (dat. pl. inch(a)ib, see § 78, 2 ), cp. Bret. enep;eirg(g) and airg(g) ipv. 2 sg. 'go' (Gk. ϭρχεσθαι); treit 'swift' Wb. 9d_{6, trait Ml. 104}b_{5 and in all later sources; ·aip (er ) Ml. 14}d_{13 and ·eperr}

'is said', Mid.Ir. ·aparr, vb.n. aipert 50b_{8, usually epert (ess-ber-). Mere sporadic occurrences are}

corro·chraitea 'that he may believe' Wb. 12c_{33 from cretid; tainid Ml. 96}c_{11, nom. pl. of tene 'fire'.}

Only rarely does a represent the earlier sound: segait pl. of saigid 'seeks' (subj. stem sāss-, Lat. sagire); ega gen. of aig 'ice', W. ia, Celtic stem i + ̯agi-. A probable explanation of such forms is that on the model of examples like saidid: sedait, daig: dego, e has spread to stems with -a-. The converse

development is found later in at·raig (for O.Ir. ·reig ) 'rise' beside plural ata·regat, whence further pret. at·racht for O.Ir. at·recht.

Collection: KZ. LIX. 1 f., LXI. 253 f.

Apparently there was at one period fluctuation between ei _{and a}i_{, due to a tendency to differentiate e}

more sharply from the following palatal sound. In some words the fluctuation persisted until it was eventually suppressed by leveling; but in others the contrast between ai _{and e acquired a functional}

significance, being used to reinforce distinctions of case or number (otherwise Holmer. Études Celtiques III. 71 ff.). Whether the nature of the flanking consonants (apart from palatalization) had any influence cannot be ascertained from the examples.

For Mid.Ir. e(i)le 'other' instead of O.Ir. aile. see § 487 d. The substitution of se(i)le for O.Ir. sa(i)le neut. 'spittle' Thes. II. 249, 2, etc., (from Lat. saliva) may have been due to the influence of some other word, though hardly to that ele eli 'ointment' as previously suggested by me, for the existence of this word (= W. eli) in Irish is not reliably attested ( O'Mulc.378, Corm. Add.541).

(b) The interchange of a and e before non-palatal consonants may with certainty be ascribed to the influence of other words. Thus deg- beside dag- 'good' ( § 364 ), as in deg-maíni beside dag-moíni 'benefits' (cp. W. and Bret. da 'good', Gaul. Dago-durnus Dago-marus), is due to the influence of dech deg 'best' ( § 373 f. ). Beside tall- 'take away' (1 sg.

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subj. ·tall Ml. 58c_{6), apparently to-all-, there is a form tell- (3 sg. pret. ma du- d·éll Wb. 22}b_{7); so too}

·tella 'there is room for' has a by-form ·talla which is likewise felt to be a compound, i.e. to-alla (du-n- d·alla Ml. 30c_{17). If the second word is cognate with Lith. telpù til + ̃pti 'to find room in', it doubtless had}

original e, and the two similar verbs have been confused.