3.4.1 Background and models
Although textual sources provide useful information on familial and household structure in the LBA-EIA, this data is often used to examine domestic households and urban settings (Schloen 2001, Stager 1985). Little research to date utilizes Levantine burial data to examine and reconstruct aspects of social structure at the horizontal level of age, gender and kinship. Several models, derived largely from textual sources relating to kinship organisation and gender dynamics relevant to the LBA and Iron Age Levant are discussed in Appendix E. Amongst these models, potentially relevant aspects to the study of gender dynamics include those of Meyers (1978, 1988), and Faust (2002).
Meyers argues that the status of women diminished considerably in the Iron Age. Central to her argument is that women’s roles became more narrowly focussed in reproduction and childrearing during the Iron Age, as there were greater demographic pressures to produce offspring for the transmission of land-based inheritance. Faust argues that gender hierarchies deepened between men and women in the transition from Iron I to Iron IIA (in a transition from ‘tribe to state’), partly through exclusively male social activities such as public feasting. Although relating to ‘living’ society, these models may have relevance to the study of the Sa’idiyeh cemetery, as status distinctions between men and women, as well as social roles, might be manifested to some extent materially within the archaeological record.
The ‘food system’ model as applied to Transjordan during the LB and Iron Ages, posits that land use, subsistence strategies and environmental factors are closely associated with social organisation and forms of kinship (LaBianca 1991, LaBianca & Younker 1995).
At one end of the scale, agricultural intensification may lead to increased sedentarisation and the development of more rigid lineages, thus encouraging a heightened level of within-group loyalty and social cohesion for land-tied populations. At the other end of the scale, increased dependence on sheep and goat pastoralism can lead to nomadisation, encouraging the development of looser and more flexible lineages as populations become dependent on a wider range of resources across wider areas (LaBianca & Younker 1995:
404). For the Jordan Valley, although mixed farming and pastoralism appears to be a
continual feature of both LBA and Iron Ages, a shift from more centralized agricultural production in the LBA to more semi-nomadic pastoralism and mixed farming in the EIA could be suggested by the changing settlement patterns and the resedentarisation of nomadic groups (Van der Steen 1995: 155, 1999: 66). Therefore, it might be expected that variations in subsistence strategies may also have an impact on residence and kinship patterns.
Lineage structures (including segmented lineages - see App.E), familial and residential groups, and differing levels of social organisation, may have an impact on the expression of gender and age, and interrelations between men and women within society. For example, in societies with less well-marked vertical social divisions, there may be increased social tensions and more marked horizontal distinctions through age and gender, manifested by male/female divisions of labour, and conflicting rights and interests between old and the young (Keesing 1975: 141-142). Ethnographic studies demonstrate that gender and age differences and boundaries can be expressed and reinforced through material culture. For example, distinctions in ornamentation and dress can be highly sensitive to age and gender (Barnes & Eicher 1993; Hodder 1982a: 77-83).
It can also be argued that societies exhibiting a more highly ranked social structure, age and gender divisions may become less marked, although a strong division of labour by sex is common in almost all societies excluding the least and most complex ones (Smith 1998: 153).
There are several issues relevant to the analysis of the Sa’idiyeh cemetery. The first is the population structure of the cemetery. It is unlikely (as with any burial sample) that the Sa’idiyeh cemetery has a mortality profile representative of a ‘complete’ living population, and it is possible that certain age categories (such as subadults) are under
represented in cemetery samples. Secondly, issues of age and gender will be examined.
The availability of osteologically aged and sexed skeletal remains with in situ grave- objects and information on body treatment provides the opportunity to examine the social construction of age and gender in death and burial. Thirdly, relationships between burial clusters and multiple tombs require detailed examination, as these could represent the burials of kin-groups at the familial level, or larger kin-groupings bounded within the cemetery. The interrelationship between horizontal social identity and vertical status also requires assessment, especially issues of ascribed vs achieved status which are relevant to the study of social change over time.
Aspects of kinship organisation and gendered roles could in turn be expressed in varied ways within burials. For example, there may be differences and variations in dress and ornamentation between males and females, and in the distribution of rank markers between males and females. Mortuary features such as the demarcation of cemetery areas by age or gender, variations in body treatment, body ornamentation, and the use of grave-objects to signify symbolic roles or categorical social identities, could all be potentially related to the expression of gender and age distinctions in death (e.g.
Derevenski 1997, Pader 1982, Rega 1996, Shennan 1975).
3.4.2 Demosraphic patterns
An initial demographic profile of the cemetery will be carried out, enabling an overview of which groups might, or might not, be present in the cemetery. This will determine whether the available samples of age groupings across different periods are a representative cross-section of the living population, or more representative of certain groups being buried in different parts of the cemetery at different periods of time. A provisional mortality profile will be constructed for each period (e.g. Rega 1996: 235- 236, Waldron 1994: 41-53), using the available osteological age data at Sa’idiyeh. The quantified occurrences of different age groups can be compared with ‘expected’ mortality profiles attested for pre-industrial stable populations - characterized by high infant mortality and an average life expectancy of between 20-40 years (Schloen 2001:123).
The osteological data utilized in this thesis is limited to the estimation of age and sex using skeletal remains. Although positive checks such as epidemics, famine and conflict can affect life expectancies, and must be considered as potential explanations for variations in the shape of the mortality profile between periods, the study of pathology and disease is unfortunately beyond the scope of this study. Out of the 489 individual sets of human remains with available information on age, approximately 125 have information on both age and sex combined. Utilising both average age at death, and also the distribution of general age categories (e.g. adult/subadult), it is possible to construct a provisional mortality profile and overview of the cemetery access by age over time.
Another aspect examined is that of sex-specific survivorship, which could indicate biological differentiations between males and females. This is a feature observed cross- culturally within pre-modem agrarian societies, although there is limited osteological evidence from Southern Levantine burial sites to confirm or deny this theory (see Rolston 1986). Other features that could result in variations in sex-specific mortality rates could
include warfare and conflict, in which young males are represented to higher degree.
However, without an integrated study of skeletal pathology, this aspect of the osteological analysis cannot be examined at this stage.
3-4.3 ‘Markers ’ o f ase and gender
The sex-linking of objects, such as weapons with males, and ornaments with females, is not widespread in Southern Levantine archaeology. At Sa’idiyeh, Pritchard does assume in the case of T. 101, that this was the burial of a wealthy woman or ‘queen’ due to the types of ornaments worn on the body and overall wealth of the tomb assemblage (1964:
2; 1965: 15), despite lacking the osteological confirmation that this was a female. The development of feminist theory and gender archaeology in the 1980’s and 1990’s (Conkey & Spector 1984, 1998) has largely bypassed the study of Southern Levantine LBA-Iron Age burials. The apparent lack of interest in age and gender studies is compounded by the paucity of in situ co-occurrences of objects with osteologically identified skeletal remains, which makes it difficult to confirm or deny whether any particular variables or objects were markers of gender or age.
By contrast, the Sa’idiyeh cemetery has age and sex data and co-occurring in situ variables - such as body position, object type presence, tomb type etc. Age and gender at Sa’idiyeh will be examined in two stages. Osteological age and sex data will be used in bivariate analyses to test age and sex data against variables including cemetery area, tomb types, body treatment, and object types. This may help identify whether any key variables are significantly correlated with age and sex, potentially relating to the expression of age and gender distinctions in death. Strongly correlated variables may in turn be interpreted as indicating symbolic associations with age and gender, with some variables being implicated in the construction of age and gender distinctions in living society. Alternatively, a lack of significant associations could indicate a more fluid exchange of age/gender concepts that are subject to manipulation in the burial ritual. In addition, exclusive binary gender associations should not necessarily be expected, as multiple concepts of gender may co-exist (including the ‘third gender’). With the relatively small burial samples at Sa’idiyeh, the possibility of locating these gender
‘exceptions’ is diminished to some extent. There could be a case for arguing for
‘preferentially’ gendered associations, which could be predominantly male or female, but not exclusively associated with either sex (Toms 1998). It is the contextual examination
of such preferentially gendered objects that may provide insights into how gender roles were constructed and negotiated within society.
Age and gender categorisation is not just constructed through individual material culture objects, but through object ensembles, and through their active display and use within key social arenas, including death and burial. This is particularly clear in terms of the ornamentation and dress of the deceased, where jewellery items can co-occur as sets (Rega 1996, Sorensen 2000). This appears to be the case in some burials at Sa’idiyeh, especially where bead strings and bracelets/anklets make up ornament ensembles (e.g.
T123: Pritchard 1980: 23). Such combinations may also apply to other functional groups of co-occurring objects.
The degree of similarity between burials may also help determine the relative formality and degree of elaboration of mortuary treatment for different age and gender groups.
This variability could be interpreted in numerous ways. For example, Saxe (1971) hypothesized that male formality in burials, in contrast to a high degree of variability in female burials at Wadi Haifa, was indicative of patrilocal post marital residence, having an impact on rites including body preparation. However, within ranked societies, greater differentiation at the age and gender level could indicate crosscutting vertical and
horizontal status relationships. This raises the issue of ascribed and achieved wealth in burials. In studies of prehistoric societies, the finding of ‘rich’ subadult burials is often interpreted as evidence for a hierarchically ranked society. As a child’s ‘rank’ cannot be achieved personally during their own short lifespan, ‘rich’ child burials are sometimes interpreted as representing the expression of ascribed or inherited wealth from the surviving parents (Parker Pearson 1999: 76-79).
Alternatively, such items could also represent aspects of social identity not yet acquired in life, but expressed in an idealized way within the burial ceremony (Rega 1996).
Similarly, wealthy grave-objects found in female burials are sometimes interpreted as reflections of male status and prestige (Shennan 1975), as gifts awarded by male relatives (Winters 1968), or as dowries owned by the deceased and taken into death (Goring 1989).
This highlights to some extent the archaeological assumptions and preconceptions about material ownership, gender and status (Conkey & Spector 1984; Parker Pearson 1999:
109). Another interpretation examines the concept of ‘associative’ status (O’Shea 1996), in which the status of an individual is governed by their relationship with another individual or group. Overall, the degree to which female wealth or status was linked to
males, and the degree to which women actually had control over personal wealth, is difficult to discern in burials and is subject to varied interpretations.
However, the issue of age distinctions is potentially important, and in the rank analysis, adults are separated from subadults (following Hodson 1990), as different emphases on status expression are likely for these two age groups. This is apparent in examples of infant and child burials at Sa’idiyeh, which frequently contain higher frequencies of grave-objects than some adult burials (especially ornaments). The rank analysis will be utilized to determine whether rank markers found in adult burials also occur with subadults, which may indicate aspects of ascribed status, or an aspect of social identity not yet achieved in life.
3.4.4 Kinship and \familial ’ tomb use
The potential for ‘family’ tombs and burial clusters is examined by comparing numbers of interments and the ratios between adult/subadult ages, and male/female sex ratios in the Sa’idiyeh cemetery. Skeletal data from multiple tombs and grave-clusters in the cemetery provides hypothetical evidence for the detection of multi-generational ‘family’
burials re-used over time. The study of households and families for the Levantine LBA and Iron Ages is limited to the use of model life tables and architectural studies of houses, which suggests that a possible distinction between ‘simple’ (i.e. nuclear), and
‘complex’ (i.e. including joint and extended) family-households might be detected at some sites (Frendo 2003, Schloen 2001: 175, Stager 1985). The extent to which such distinctions are detectable within tombs is not yet clear, but future research may provide new insights30.
The model followed here assumes that interments found in close proximity are likely to belong to the same close kingroup or immediate family, and that relationships between those kin members were intentionally expressed at the burial place. Although the availability of osteological data is limited to age and sex in this study of the Sa’idiyeh cemetery, the hypothesis of family tombs could be tested in future through a combination of biological and DNA analysis. The notion that burials in close proximity are ‘familial’
burial groups is a working hypothesis. ‘Proximity’ is gauged through several means.
For the Period 1 sample at Sa’idiyeh, proximity between individual graves is determined using provisional cemetery plans, where burials are found spaced or clustering closely to each other horizontally (i.e. <0.5 m apart), or vertically through ‘stacking’ and
intersecting burial episodes. For Period 2, the presence of multiple cists and multiple pit burials with osteological age/sex data enable the examination of well-defined communal burials that could belong to kinship groups. Variables used to examine potential kinship groups and variations include: the number of individuals found in the tomb (NI), adult/subadult ratios, and male/female ratios (where available). These variables are used to determine the level of variability present in communal burial groups - i.e. whether any repeated patterns emerge, and how these might relate to changes in kingroup size and familial structures, which in turn could be linked to demographic changes and social complexity models. Interpreting such patterns from burial contexts is worthwhile, but problematic due to highly variable factors such as location and circumstances of death, the lifecycle and ‘death-cycle’ of the kingroup, and the period of time during which a tomb is used and eventually comes to an end.
Findings from excavations of mortuary sites within the Southern Levant provide a starting point in the analysis of potential gender, age and kinship differentiation in death.
In terms of body ornamentation, there is a potential correlation between beads and bangles with adult females at Tell el-Far’ah (South), although the range of objects associated with males is far from clear (Braunstein 1998: 293-295). The possible separation of adult interments from children within the EIA Baq’ah Valley Cave A4 in Transjordan indicates some differences in age-related treatment in communal tombs (Bloch-Smith 1992: 37, 167; McGovern 1981). Preliminary osteological findings for LBIIB-Iron I Pella (Hendrix 2004) could indicate differential gendered treatment with an unusually high proportion of females and subadults, but a small proportion of males within one tomb (T.88). However, most communal tombs in the LBA-EIA are considered to be mixed (despite a lack of osteological analysis), suggesting the presence o f ‘family’ burials.
In a socio-historical model linked to mortuary evidence, Bunimovitz posits that Egyptian control and influence in LBA Canaan had a social, political and demographic impact on familial tomb use in lowland regions (1995: 331). Social fragmentation caused by population displacement and military campaigns during the LBA meant that local populations were less inclined to construct tombs for re-use over successive generations, and were more likely to practice single inhumation. Therefore, another aspect of kinship structure and organisation that might be detected within burials relates to the practice of single and communal inhumation, the degree of subadult/adult and male/female mixing
within tombs, and the degree of elaboration and investment in tomb construction over time for re-use.