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The Caribbean had assessed its position and came to the conclusion that to get the best outcome from the negotiation it was crucial to have the negotiations broad base and inclusive. So, it was very vital get the African States on board and simultaneously to invite the Pacific States to joint them. The Caribbean knew that Europe‘s interest rests in Africa and therefore without having the Africans on board the Caribbean would have an uphill task with the Europeans.⁹⁶

Arising from the decision of the 7^th Heads of Government Conference of 1972⁹⁷ the region took certain concrete steps. Firstly, it made contact with those Commonwealth African States with which it had a relationship through Commonwealth Prime Ministers Conferences and secondly, it dispatched emissaries to the European Capitals⁹⁸ to sensitize them as to the important issues of the Caribbean States and thirdly, made contact with other bodies such as the Group of 77 Developing Countries and the Non-Aligned Movement in which it had good relations.

95 Demas, W. G. West Indian Nationhood and Caribbean Integration, (CCC. Publishing House, Bridgetown,  Barbados, 1974) p. 33. 

96 Interview‐ P.J. Patterson, Kingston, Jamaica, March 3, 2009. 

97 Communiqué issued at the conclusion of the seventh Heads of Government Conference of Commonwealth  Caribbean Countries, 14‐19 October, 1972, Chaguaramas, Trinidad & Tobago.

98 Interview‐ PJ Patterson, Kingston, Jamaica, March 3, 2009.  

Caribbean diplomacy in the Non-Aligned movement took a positive turn when the group agreed to hold its Foreign Ministers Ministerial in Georgetown, Guyana in August, 1972.There in a room at the official Presidential Residence, Shirdath Ramphal, the Foreign Minister of Guyana, chaired an informal discussions with a select number of the African delegation from Kenya, Nigeria, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia. In attendance also were representatives of Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago. Having already briefed his Caribbean colleagues before the meeting about his intentions and secured their commitment he engaged the African delegations to press the EEC to open the negotiations to accommodate their mutual interests beyond the limits of the Yaoundé Group. They agreed to the suggestions made by Ramphal who later observed and explained what he was seeking to achieve, that his real intention was to use the opportunity of the Non-Aligned Foreign Ministers meeting to explore and talk with his Commonwealth colleagues about the EEC to see how the Caribbean could be involved with the process.⁹⁹ Ramphal’s initiative paid off immensely for the Caribbean. Indeed it has been the real bridge between the two groups since the value of which cannot be quantified. This represented the first major break-through that the Caribbean so badly needed, because without the African States on board there would not be much in it for the Caribbean region to gain from the negotiations. The way was now paved for the technical team from the region to visit Africa and commenced the technical preparatory work for effective negotiations with the EEC. The region knew that Europe’s real interest was in Africa, not the Caribbean and that was why it was so important for the Caribbean States to join with the African States¹⁰⁰in the negotiations.

Alister McIntyre who was selected to lead the Caribbean team of expert had contacted his cousin, Arnold Smith, a Canadian, who was the Commonwealth Secretary–General to seek assistance for the mission to Africa. That initial contact paved the way for the       

99 Ramphal, Shirdath.  ‘The ACP – the early years’ The Courier no. 93 September – October 1985, p. 81. See  also Shirdath, Ramphal, ‘The ACP‐EEC Negotiations: A lesson in Third World Unity’. Ministry of Foreign  Affairs, Georgetown, Guyana, (June 1975) p.5. 

100 Interview‐ P.J. Patterson, March 3,2009, Kingston, Sir Alister Mc Intyre  Nov.14,2008, Kingston & Sir  Shirdath Ramphal Bridgetown, Barbados, June. 2009. 

limited but valuable role the Commonwealth Secretariat played in the formative years of the ACP relations with Europe.¹⁰¹ The team visited states in East and West Africa in September, 1972 and had extensive consultations covering issues of common interests including but not limited to, commodity arrangements, reverse preferences, development aid, quantitative restrictions, and rules of origin, rights of establishment and generally how to approach the Europeans in the pending negotiations.

By March 1973, the Commonwealth African States sent a delegation of experts to the Caribbean and the relationship grew stronger as the both sides continued to meet. The Caribbean through their observer Status which the OAU had granted attended all meeting of the OAU and continued to build the relations which laid the basis for the eight point negotiating position which was adopted by the OAU with respect to the EEC, the original draft of which was prepared by Alister McIntyre. The initiatives at the political level however had to continue in order to preserve the unity which was in place both in Africa and the Caribbean, But while the region had gotten the Anglophone African States on board, there still remained the task of convincing the Francophone African States and a way had to be found at the political level to achieve this objective.

The way forward was through the Non-aligned Movement¹⁰², by then the Caribbean had built a very good network among the African States in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and had used their influence to break the deadlock between Francophone and Anglophone Africa and got them to come on board in negotiating as one group for Lomé negotiations.

The Caribbean through Forbes Burnham of Guyana and later through Michael Manley in the Non-Aligned Movement had established a very strong relationship with Algeria and the region had placed the burden on Algeria to use its influence to help to carry the

101 Interview‐ Alister McIntire McIntyre, November 14 2008. See also Akosa, Mabel Op.Cit. pp. 35‐38. 

102 Interview – Sir Shirdath Ramphal, Bridgetown, Barbados, June 8, 2009. 

issue to the Francophone African States, an effort which finally got them on board¹⁰³. Algeria had wanted to host the next Non-Aligned meeting of Heads of State which was to be decided at that meeting of the Foreign Ministers in Guyana in August 1972,there Ramphal brokered a deal with the Algerian Foreign Minister Abdulaziz Bouteflika who were in competition with Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranike, Prime Minister of Sri Lanka another Member State of the Movement to host the next Heads of Government conference of the Movement by guaranteeing the Algerians whom had great influence with the Francophone African States, that they would be allowed to host the conference, if they under took to convince the Francophone African States to join with the Anglophone African States to negotiate with Europe as one unit. The Algerian Foreign Minister took the offer and effectively got the Francophone Africans on board through the offices of the OAU¹⁰⁴.

That initiative, more than any other intervention was the decision that the Caribbean had wanted because without the Francophone Africans the Caribbean could not achieve its objectives¹⁰⁵.

The African States issued their Declaration for the negotiations at the tenth ordinary session of the Assembly of the Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa. The eight point Declaration was expressed in ideological terms and stated Africa’s position for the negotiations with the EEC in terms: (1) the principles of non-reciprocity in trade and tariff concessions given by the EEC;

(2) The extension of a non-discriminatory basis towards third countries of provisions of rights of establishment;

103 Interview‐ Sir Alister McIntyre, November 14, 2008. For a full discussion and analysis of the Caribbean  diplomacy in UNCTAD see also Williams, Marc Andrew: The Group of 77 in UNCTAD: Anatomy of a Third  World Coalition. PhD thesis. London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London (1991),  p. 19. 

104  Interview‐ Shirdath Ramphal, June 8, 2009, Barbados. 

105 Interview‐ Sir Shirdath Ramphal, Bridgetown Barbados, June 8, 2009.

(3) The revisions of the rules of origin must be formulated so as to facilitate the industrial integration of African countries and in particular, they must grant the status of original products to all good which had been produced in one or several of the African States, or which have been processed in accordance with mutually accepted criteria irrespective of whether or not they enjoy preferential relations with the EEC;

(4) A revision of the provision on the movement of payments and capital to take account of the objective of monetary independence in African countries, and the need for monetary cooperation among African countries;

(5) The dissolution of EEC financial and technical aid from any particular form of relationship with the EEC;

(6) Free and assured access to EEC markets for all African products including processed and semi-processed agricultural products, whether or not they are subject to the common agricultural policy of the EEC;

(7) The guaranteeing to African countries of stable, equitable and remunerative prices in EEC markets for their main products, in order to allow them to increase their export earnings; and

(8) Any form of agreement made with the EEC should not in any manner adversely affect intra-African cooperation.

The initiatives at the political level however had to continue in order to preserve the unity which was in place both in Africa and the Caribbean. But, while the Caribbean had gotten the Anglophone African States on board, there still remained the task of convincing the Francophone Africans and a way had to be found at the political level.

The Ramphal’s initiative later proved very vital in securing corporation and unity. But the group had to be kept together was in and of itself was a monumental task. The several meeting of the OAU trade ministers held in Dares-Salaam, Lagos served to achieve and consolidate the newly found unity in Africa on the one hand and among the entire ACP

State on the other hand. Indeed the Dares-Salaam meeting which was held in July 1973 was addressed by President of Tanzania, Julius K. Nyerere who emphasised the need for unity, and a position which was underscored by Shirdath Ramphal of the Caribbean who also addressed that meeting. The Lagos meeting which followed proved very decisive for African unity and solidarity going into the negotiations which were scheduled to commence on the 25^th of July.

So, by the time the OAU issued its eight points Declaration at its tenth Summit, the way forward was clear as Africa and the Caribbean were singing from the same page. The task which firstly was never even conceived on the occasion of Europe’s Declaration of Intent in 1963, but which appeared almost insurmountable when conceived at the sixth meeting of the Heads of CARIFTA in 1970 had become realty. The African States were now on board with the Caribbean to negotiate a new trade and cooperation agreement with Europe. But, the consensus was still not as solidified as the region would have liked, more work needed to be done. At this stage, Pacific States had to come on board and the Caribbean had taken a decision to invite them to join¹⁰⁶. The region made contact with the Leadership of Fiji and Mauritius, Prime Ministers Ratu Sir Kamises Mara of Fiji and Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolan of Mauritius accepted the Invitations respectively and agreed to attend a meeting of the Commonwealth Sugar exporters at Lancaster House in London to discuss the approach to be taken regarding sugar¹⁰⁷. The French had no colonial holdings in the Pacific which were of economic strategic importance to France. In 1975 French holdings in the Pacific were cantered around a few islands. These islands did not play a significant role in terms of global trade but for the British the Pacific islands were suppliers of sugar. So, when Britain joined the EEC the Pacific Associable were only three independent states¹⁰⁸ which were Members of       

106 Interview‐ PJ Patterson, March3, 2009. 

107  See the United Kingdom AIDE MEMOIRE 1 Protocol 22 Negotiations 7, June 1974. Lancaster House  Statement consultations with Developing Members Countries of the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement 2‐3  June 1971. 

108 Fiji, Western Samoa and Tonga.

the South Pacific community. But, while the community included Australia and New Zealand these two states were not qualified as Associable. The Associable had agreed to present a common front for the purposes of the negotiation and the Secretariat of the Southern Pacific Economic Commission (SPEC) assisted them in preparing for and co-ordinating their activities for the negotiations.

On the occasion of the eighth Heads of Government meeting of CARICOM in Guyana in April 1973, three months before the 1st meeting in Brussels, the Heads reaffirmed their support for the new development in Africa which opened the possibility of negotiating a new agreement all together, not merely an enlarged Yaoundé II. The meeting appointed Shirdath Ramphal as Chief Spokesman for the region, because by then he had secured the African commitment at the Non-Align Foreign Ministers meeting in Guyana.