Imagen temático-descriptiva e imagen narrativa

While research concerning the analysis of mainstream media and their coverage of Māori is extensive, particularly from the last decade, remarkably little research has been done on Māori media specifically. Furthermore, researches on Māori media, by and large, have been focused on the study of one aspect of it (i.e. iwi radio audience, Aotearoa Television)1 and have generally been commissioned by some of the government’s departments for strategic policy direction for Māori language revitalisation, broadcasting and Māori development.

Among the few academic writers focusing on Māori media has been Stuart (1996, 2000, 2002, 2003, 2005). In his 2003 paper, The construction of a

national Māori identity by Māori media, he defined the Māori media as a

developmental media based on its objectives of promoting the Māori language

1 _{See, for instance, on Aotearoa Television, Burns, Derek A. (1997), ‘Public money, private} lives: Aotearoa Television, the inside story’; on broadcasting, Te Māngai Pāho (1995), ‘Māori television: a consultation document’; and on iwi radio, Grant, Allan (1998), ‘The voice of iwi radio’.

and culture. He added, “the Māori media also actively seeks to promote positive images of Māori and to provide a Māori view of events and news, all roles assumed by a developmental media” (p.46).

Robie, editor of the journal Pacific Journalism Review and one of the most authoritative and prolific writers on Pacific media and Pacific journalism education, instead classified the Māori media according to its news values. In the mid-1990s Robie modified Lule’s (1987) “Three Worlds” news model into a “Four Worlds” news values concept, which more readily applied to the South Pacific media (Robie, 1995, p.11). This revised model was particularly relevant when relating to Fourth World communities, Indigenous and ethnic minorities absorbed within larger, dominant states (Robie, 2006, p.72) and living within the boundaries of the “imperialist nation” (Rusell, 1996, p.57). “Objectivity”, “collective agitator” and “nation building” are seen as leading ideals for First, Second and Third Worlds media, respectively. News values reflecting ‘timeliness’, ‘proximity’ and ‘personality’ are associated with the First World. In contrast, the news values of ‘ideological significance’, ‘party concerns’ and ‘social responsibility’ are linked to the totalitarian Second World. Third World news values prioritise ‘development’, ‘national integration’ and ‘social responsibility’ (Lule, 1987, pp.23-46). For the Fourth World, the main concerns are ‘independent [political] voice’, ‘language’, ‘culture’, ‘education’ and ‘solidarity’ (Robie, 2001, p.13).

Robie argued “both Australia and New Zealand have thriving Indigenous media applying Fourth World news values, although news editors may not see it in quite those terms” (Robie, 2006, p.73). He accounted there were 21 Māori or iwi radio stations, three Māori printed media (one bilingual Māori newspaper and two well-established magazines) and the national Māori Television Service (MTS) using Fourth World news values.

Hodgetts et al (2005) article explored the increased media production by Māori as a way to challenge mainstream media framing of Māori issues that tends to promote Pākeha perspectives while addressing the civic or public journalism approach where journalists are not a ‘detached observer’, as traditional notions of journalism will dictate but instead, they become a ‘collaborator’ who works with groups to make the news. The analysis focused on the documentary Hikoi – Inside Out (TV1, 21 July 2004), which featured two Māori women’s journey from the far north to Parliament.

Hodgetts et al (2005) considered the significance of Māori media as an alternative site for dialogue and representation,

Recent increases in Māori media production have probed crucial for providing direct links within Māori communities, for nurturing a sense of community, for education, and for fostering a shared agenda necessary for continued advocacy for social justice (Stuart, 2003). As a site for social intervention, Māori media have also provided a training ground for Māori media professionals, and a wider understanding of news media processes among Māori. Such understandings are crucial for civic participation (Couldry & Curran, 2002; Walker, 2002) (Hodgetts et al, p.193, 194).

However, despite having such positive features, they noted that Māori media have often been marginalised and under resourced, and have not shifted the power held by Pākeha institutions. Instead, they considered “the existence of Māori media may contribute to mainstream media sidestepping their obligations to represent indigenous concerns in an equitable manner” (p.194). A similar concern was expressed by Stuart when he argued the development of a separate Māori media has the potential to lessen cross-cultural communication as both cultures become isolated within their own communication system (Stuart, 2000, p.8).

In Māori and mainstream: Towards bicultural reporting (2002), Stuart applied Todorov’s five stages of a narrative (status quo, disruption, deterioration of conditions, working through the issues, restoration or establishment of a new status quo) when comparing Pākeha and Māori narratives to depict the Pakaitore/Moutoa Gardens protest. This case study evidenced that Pākehā perspectives of events were at variance with Māori perspectives. Furthermore, Stuart argued that Māori ideas of what makes news are radically different from Pākehā ideas. “Māori will choose different newsmakers, different angles and give events different emphasis and interpretations. The stories Māori reporters will want to write will be very different from the stories Pākehā reporters will write about the same events... But they are still legitimate selections” (p.54). In terms of the skills used, Stuart observed that Māori media have adapted the concept of objectivity. Because Māori writers accept that objectivity is impossible and do not try for it, Māori media news are written discursively. There is no pretence at objectivity and no use of the inverted pyramid. Māori writing styles can also be written in narrative styles, a culturally appropriate way of presenting information, which has been used for hundreds of years by Polynesian cultures (Stuart, 2002, p.53-54).

In The Māori public sphere (2005), Stuart focused on the different form and processes it has when comparing it to the Pākehā public sphere. Mainstream news media reports all discussion, especially conflicts, leading up to the decisions. Instead, the Māori media do not report all discussion at a hui, but report the final decision and, more importantly, “ask people’s reactions to the decision, rather than commenting on the decision itself” (Stuart, 2005, p.22). Stuart noted that outside the social space of the marae the Māori media is acting more like the mainstream media running public debates, challenging and questioning leaders and holding up decisions and ideas to public scrutiny.

Nonetheless, “this is still tempered by Māori approaches to conflict and discussion, which remain different to, though not uninfluenced by, mainstream media and Pākeha cultural approaches” (Stuart, 2005, p22).

2.4 SUMMARY

This literature review shows a wide variety of ideas and arguments regarding Indigenous media –including Māori media. Indigenous peoples’ struggles for the right to their self-identity and cultural self-determination; the right to participate in political ventures and thereby have a say in the country’s overall development; and the right to use their own voices and images to express and develop themselves appear as strong reasons for the emergence of a separate Indigenous media.

The literature reviewed shows that whatever the initial reason for its creation, most of the Indigenous media were established with a number of purposes or set of goals. Obviously, not all of the purposes apply equally to all Indigenous media and even the relevance of any single purpose might shift over time, as staff, management style, audience and the overall media climate change. The following list represents some of the objectives found in the literature:

• Preserve language and culture

• Combat negative images of Indigenous peoples

• Challenge mainstream media and official state narrative • Develop a greater political influence

• Control their own images and agenda • Rewrite their own histories

• Enhance survival of Indigenous communities • Provide information for Indigenous peoples

• Provide a source of training and employment for Indigenous people • Network with other Indigenous groups

Looking at the Māori media in particular, the literature reviewed defined it as a developmental media, using Fourth World news values and sometimes using civic journalism, where journalists are not simple observers but collaborators of the groups making the news. Some characteristics of the Māori media emerging from the review were:

• What make news differ from Pākehā media • There is no pretence at ‘objectivity’

• There is no use of inverted pyramid

• Use of discursive and narrative writing styles

• Different form and processes of public sphere than Pākehā

The ways in which Māori people use and participate in the media will be explored in more detail in the following chapters.