Símbolo y alegoría

As with the reasons for the emergence of Indigenous media and the goals they set up to accomplish, the issues facing Indigenous media do not apply to them all. However, the literature reviewed shows some common patterns that affect many Indigenous media.

Lack of funding seems a universal dilemma in the Indigenous media sector (Keith, 1995; Remedio, 1996; Edgar, 1996; Browne, 1996; Molnar and Meadows, 2001). A survey conducted by Keith (1995) to managers of all known Native American stations revealed shortage of funds topped their concern list. Acute financial deficits are the root of many of the difficulties that Native stations face, according to him (p.114). The obvious consequence of funding shortages is substandard facilities and equipment. Deficiencies in this area affect the quality of service that Indigenous media can offer their audience.

Keith (1995), referring to the Native American stations, commented that “most of the stations now rely on a single source for the majority of their operating funds: the tribal government, the tribal business council, or the tribal school board. In all cases, the source of funding for these bodies is federally-based”

(p.35). When federal cutbacks occur, funds are withdrawn from the stations to be used for other, more pressing needs.

When analysing the media in the South Pacific, Molnar and Meadows (2001) argued that the geographic configuration of Pacific Island countries which consist of scattered islands spread over large distances, differing literacy rates among countries and the existence of several hundreds of languages within one country (i.e. Solomon Islands have 120 languages and Papua New Guinea around 850 languages) have made the Indigenous press languish in favour of radio broadcasting and that such small advertising markets make them vulnerable to the whim of government and overseas donations.

Another problem facing Indigenous media is inadequate staffing and training. Browne (1996) argued that it was due to lack of money and deeply ingrained majority culture perceptions. The first point is apparent as most indigenous media operate on very modest budgets and cannot afford competitive salaries for experienced personnel. This situation not only affect staff hiring and retention but also affect unpaid volunteers; “after they’ve gained experience and confidence, they often find themselves much more employable, and at jobs that pay decent wages” (p.98). Consequently, Indigenous media face a high turnover rate.

The second problem Browne pointed out is that some potential Indigenous media staff are attracted by the prospect of working within the media because they think the job is similar as to what they have listened to and watched in mainstream media. These preconceptions sometimes are too powerful to break to the point that staff cannot see any other possibilities in the medium and leave (Browne, 1996, p.98).

Sommer, an Alaska broadcaster of station KIYU admitted to Keith in a letter “recruiting Natives to broadcasting is our biggest problem. It’s almost impossible to recruit a Native male. They look at radio as ‘indoor work’ and ‘unmanly’. They are the hunters and providers, and as such they must work hard at an outdoor job” (Bob Sommer, in Keith, 1995, p.116).

Indigenous station managers also find that many of the young people they recruit have been overassimilated into mainstream culture, a condition that has left them ignorant of tribal traditions and language. These individuals are unable to assist in Indigenous-language programmes or those that contain traditional themes, and this inability means that a station’s efforts in these areas may be significantly compromised (Keith, 1995, p.117-118).

The provision of adequate training is another issue facing Indigenous media. Potential Indigenous staff are able to receive training in short or long courses created for them and run generally by experienced broadcasters, training provided by the national public service broadcaster, and in mainstream educational institutions. However a frequent complain voiced by Indigenous stations is that these sort of training fail to address the working conditions in the stations and might produce “trainees who aren’t able to function very well with poor equipment or under the time constraints faced by most stations, much less when up against cultural restraints” (Browne, 1996, p.101).

In an article examining issues of Māori journalism training, Stuart (2002) asked which media are Māori journalists training to be journalists for and if working within the mainstream media, “are Māori required to report Māori issues for Pākehā or for Māori?”(p.43). The article identified some of the key differences in news approaches between the Tauiwi [mainstream] and Māori media. It then argued that a different teaching approach is needed in journalism schools to allow these differences to emerge and develop.

Some Indigenous broadcast services have developed in-house training programmes as well, as most Native stations in the United States. Keith (1995) pointed out that this situation make stations an educational establishment as well as a station giving them a double responsibility (p.116). In the Pacific context, Molnar and Meadows (2001) contended that Western influence has been continually reinforced by their dependence on Western aid donors to provide equipment and training. “Western characteristics are apparent in the studio design and in the type of equipment used, as well as the accompanying program formats and divisions of labour. These characteristics combine to constrain the potential of Indigenous broadcasting by imposing programming standards and expectations that the stations cannot always meet” (p.81).

Station governance, especially when the licence is awarded to a tribe, is also seen as a prominent issue. Stations wish to operate with a measure of autonomy in order to perform effectively as a mass medium, but tribal councils and boards sometimes impose strictures that make independence difficult (Keith, 1995, p.119-120). Tribal interference can be politically motivated by using the station to express tribal leaders views only. In other stations, the interference is not political as observed by Maria. “Problems sometimes occur when tribal governments want to tell stations what they should be playing…what songs, what features, and so on. It’s very difficult if a station is in this situation…” (Barbara Maria, in Keith, 1995, p.121).

Although as mentioned earlier, one of the proclaimed purposes of some Indigenous media was to promote Indigenous culture through culturally relevant programmes, Indigenous programming is not abundant because it comes from the efforts of the local stations. The easiest –and cheapest– way to fill broadcasting hours then is with music. “The primary fare at Native stations

is music –Anglo music. Country music is more prevalent on most Native stations than any other element of programming”, reported Keith on Native American stations (1995, p.122). Browne agreed in the predominant use of music by Indigenous media but not in the choices they make, arguing they offer a multiplicity of styles:

Music is a staple element for indigenous stations, and it often displays considerable variety, mixing in a single program an indigenous rock band, an indigenous singer of legends, an indigenous choir performing in nineteenth-century religious or secular tradition, ‘protest’ songs from indigenous and other minority groups (especially Afro-Caribbean and African-American) in other countries, and majority culture popular and semiclassical music (1996, p.86).

The lack of Indigenous programming is attributed to resources’ limitations and to the organisational structure of Indigenous media, as in the case of stations in the Pacific. “National public service radio models are the dominant media…however, the centralised nature of these services, along with their organisational structure, can compromise broadcasters’ ability to produce diverse and relevant Indigenous programming” (Molnar and Meadows, 2001, p.76).

Many of the Indigenous media share mainstream media concerns about competition from other sources for funding and audience. Although most Indigenous media stations have the biggest lifestyle connection to those Indigenous living on the area, some are not the exclusive or even primary choice of media for Indigenous peoples. Schader, Native American KGHR station general manager noted, “local businesses targeting Navajos advertise on off-reservation stations because they know they [Navajos] are tuned into these non-Indian stations” (Stu Schader, in Keith, 1995, p.123).

Keith pointed out other concerns were mentioned in his survey such as racism by non-Indigenous, particularly when fund-raising campaigns; the production of programmes due to lack of staff; and the lack of connectedness between Indigenous media with little unity or link between individual stations (1995, p.124-125). Browne also concurred in the latter concern. “In many countries, there are a number of significant ways in which the mass media interact: through the influence of radio and TV critics writing for newspapers, through the appetite of television for movies, through journalistic competition between newspapers and the electronic media, and through cross ownership of print and broadcast media. There is little interaction of that sort where the indigenous media are concerned” (1996, p.128-129).