NACIMIENTO DE UNA CULTURA ILUSTRADA: LA S

The coastal waters of Somalia are rich in fish resources. Originally, subsistence fishing was only practiced by small coastal communities until it was promoted by the government in response to a drought during the 1970s. By 1984, it was estimated that a million people were inhabiting the Somali coast and in 2003, almost US$3.4 million-worth of fish were exported (WRI, 2003). The Somali fishing sector comprises two distinct parts – the artisanal sector, which operates in inshore areas and accounts for 60 percent of the landings; and the industrial sector, which accounts for 40 percent of the total fishery production (FAO, 2005). The artisanal sector use small boats with landlines, gill nets and long lines. There is an abundance of fish both inshore and offshore including tuna, mackerel, sharks and lobsters. The industrial

sector largely comprises joint ventures involving commercial Somali fishing companies and foreign commercial fishing companies. Italy, Korea, Spain, Japan, Greece and Egypt are some examples of the joint venture initiatives in Somali waters.

The importance of the fishery sector within the overall economy is relatively small. Exports of fishery products account for around three percent of total exports and it contributes only two percent to GDP (FAO, 2005). The importance of the fishery sector for future socio-economic development however, must not be underestimated. The inshore fish stocks are only lightly exploited and the artisanal sector is comparatively less developed than other production systems of the country meaning there is great potential for a steep increase in productivity in the fishing sector.

Since 1991, Somalia’s rich fishing resources have been heavily exploited by unlicensed foreign-flagged fishing boats and over fishing has now become a major economic, environmental and social issue. Hundreds of illegal fishing vessels from a variety of nations ply the waters off Somalia and some have even attacked Somali fishermen destroying their boats and equipment (UN, 2005). Somali fishermen documented cases of trawlers pouring boiling water on the fishermen in canoes, their nets cut or destroyed, smaller boats crushed, killing all the occupants, and other abuses suffered as they tried to protect their national fishing territory (Waldo, 2009). A 2005 report from the Marine Resources Assessment Group (MRAG) estimated that the Somali economy loses approximately US$90 million a year to illegal, unreported and unregulated foreign fishing vessels (UNOCHA, 2006; Fish information and Services, 2010). Estimates from the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) report this figure as high as US$300 million a year (Godoy, 2010).

In the early 1990s Somalis began claiming European and Asian companies were dumping toxic and nuclear waste in Somali waters. These claims, of environmental destruction along Somalia’s coast were continually disregarded by the United Nations and the regions maritime authorities. Despite international appeals to act on the continued ravaging of the Somali marine

resources and dumping of toxic waste the violations were allowed to continue because it was claimed there was a lack of evidence (Clair, 2011).

In 2004 the ‘Asian’ Tsunami struck and Somalia was the worst effected country in Africa. In addition to the loss of life and livelihoods, the Tsunami washed toxic waste barrels and containers onto the shores of Puntland (Abdullahi, 2008 and Godoy, 2010). The evidence was finally confirmed by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) “Somalia has been used as a dumping ground for hazardous waste starting in the early 1990s, and continuing through the civil war……since the containers came ashore, hundreds of residents have fallen ill, suffering from mouth and abdominal bleeding, skin infections and other ailments” (Nuttall, UN Spokesman, Abdullahi, 2008, para. 16). The United Nations Environment Programme confirmed uranium radioactive waste; lead and heavy metals like cadmium and mercury; industrial waste; and hospital waste had all been dumped along Somalia’s coastline (Clair, 2011). Despite international recognition of the violations occurring the international community failed to act and the offences continue (ibid.).

Initially the Somali fishermen used speedboats in attempts to dissuade the dumpers and trawlers but this had little effect. The fishermen became more organised and began arming themselves to scare off foreign vessels. Over time, these groups evolved, modernised their hardware and became more aggressive towards foreign vessels. Since 1991, Somali fishermen have captured Egyptian, Indian, Italian, Kenyan, Korean, Spanish, Taiwanese, Ukranian and Yemenese illegal fishing trawlers and ransoms of various sizes have been paid for their release (Waldo, 2009). In 2008, Somalis captured a Ukrainian ship accusing European firms of dumping toxic waste off their coast. They demanded US$8 million in ransom for the ships return that would go towards cleaning up the waste (ibid.). Subsequently, the piracy boom began and pirate groups increased in size and number, becoming ever more organised in their attacks. Driven by an anger towards illegal fishing and dumping vessels; the international community for not preventing the illegal fishing or waste dumping; decades of strife, poverty and struggle; and a

mixture of greed and the hope for a better life, Somali waters became rife with Somali pirates. In 2008 and 2009, Somali pirates earned an estimated US$150 million and over US$60 million respectively in ransom payments, which is more than Somalia’s national budget (Roble, 2010; BBC News, 2008). Ransom payments have continued to increase and in 2011, US$250 million were paid to pirates (The Independent, 2012). This money is supporting the Somali economy as the pirates use this money to stock up on sheep, goats, water, fuel, rice, milk, spaghetti and cigarettes (Hafner, 2009). The ransom money is filtering down to Somalia’s poorest and is buoying up the entire economy of the state (Al-Mutairi, 2003). Consequently, the majority of Somali’s support the pirates and see them as a form of national defense of the country’s territorial waters (Hari, 2010). The pirates are treated as local heroes for their work in defending their coastline, they are sought after husbands and are well respected in Somali society (The Telegraph, 2009).

Dumping toxic waste, illegal fishing and destroying livelihoods does not justify hostage taking and piracy however,

“did we expect starving Somalians to stand passively on their beaches, paddling in our nuclear waste, and watch us snatch their fish to eat in restaurants in London and Paris and Rome?” (Hari, 2009, para. 12)

A NATO mission and EU naval force were launched in 2008 to protect and escort merchant ships in the Gulf of Aden (Sky News, 2008). Various other countries including the US and India also mounted anti-piracy patrols in the area. The 30 or so international anti-piracy naval vessels now surveying these vast waters however, are inadequate and of little deterrent to the Somali pirates (BBC News, 2011a; and Shinn and Adjunct, 2009).

Poverty, war, disease and natural disasters have left few livelihood options for young Somali men and subsequently many are turning to piracy. Piracy has proven lucrative for Somalis and most believe the risks are little in comparison to the rewards.

In order to seriously and sustainably address the issue of piracy in Somalia it is not NATO warships that are needed. The international community must correct its past wrongs and help protect the Somali coastline from illegal fishing and waste dumping. The international community needs to help Somali fishermen reap the full rewards of their resource rich waters and only then will Somali men choose a livelihood of fishing over piracy.